insurgency

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Can El-Rufai Achieve The Abolition Of Almajiri?

The Northern Governors Forum took a collective decision at a meeting we had about two weeks ago that we will end the almajiri system completely, we will abolish it. And part of the steps we took was to return them to their states of origin. We also decided that each state government will take delivery of these almajiri and return them to their parents and ensure that they go to school ~ Nasir El-Rufai Dateline March 2nd 2015: Former First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan who had then usurped the activities of her husband’s presidential campaign mounted the stage at a rally in Calabar and in her boisterous manner exhorted the crowd to stone anybody that tells them about “change”. And in an apparent reference to the almajiri system in the north, she went on to say that “our people no dey born shildren wey dem no dey fit count. Our men no dey born shildren throway for street. We no dey like the people for that side”. Members of the opposition All Progressive Congress went berserk. Mallam Nasir El-Rufai who takes no prisoners and then a gubernatorial candidate took to his Facebook page to excoriate Mrs Jonathan as an “uncivilised, unintelligent, uncouth and prebendal element”. He told the northerners that President Jonathan and his wife hates them with a passion and urged them not to support his re-election bid. The northerners obeyed and Jonathan was voted out. Former Kano state governor Kwankwanso subsequently gloated that the first family had been a victim of Dame Jonathan’s words which he claimed galvanised “people in the north to ensure that Almajiri votes were used to kick them out of the villa.” Today El-Rufai is championing the abolition of almajiri system. What a time to be alive you would say. With his rumoured ambition to return to Abuja some have suggested his recent proclamation could have some political undertone. It makes it even more intriguing given that his close friend — Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the former Emir of Kano — who incidentally is also a crusader for the same cause was only recently deposed. We surely have some interesting times to look forward to. I remember almajiris vividly from my undergraduate days at the University of Maiduguri. There was this particular set that usually ambushed me whenever I collect my allowance from Kasuashanu (cattle market) where our truck drivers drop it with my late father’s business partner. They know I will come every last Friday of the month, so they wait after Jumat to hail me “Anana”, an acronym for Anana Transport Company. I will dole out some change to more elated chants of “Na gode and Allah ya albarkache”. Back then I never felt threatened by a bunch of dusty kids in tattered clothes. I only felt pity when I juxtapose their reality with the fact that I had school mates who rode in exotic vehicles. Some even moved in a convoy of cars whose value could train the almajiris for life. Yet the almajiri system has remained a dividing topic among the northern leaders. An enduring pre-colonial concept which started around the 11th century in Kanem-Borno, it was later replicated in the Sokoto Caliphate following the victorious Jihad of Sheikh Uthman Dan Fodio. Originally designed to present fresh and educationally inclined children the opportunity to tap from experienced Islamic scholars and imbibe the tenets essential for decent Muslim adulthood, it reportedly produced Alhassan Dantata, the one time richest man in West Africa and the grandfather of Africa’s richest man Aliko Dangote among many other successful northerners. But it got bastardised over the years by the lowly callous men who breed children in multiples but take little responsibility. And was corrupted by generations of northern elites who send their wards to ivy league institutions abroad while the homeless almajiris often exploited to attain power through underage voting are left to roam the streets supposedly in search of knowledge. Men like Ali Modu Sheriff reportedly used the late Mohammed Yusuf (a known recruiter of almajiris) to his advantage and Sani Yerima confessed that the horde of unemployed masses baying for the Sharia served as a potent weapon against the dominant political force in his state. Both are ex-governors and former senators. Almajiri kids The beautiful pictures of almajiris being taught under the tree in a serene and conducive savannah climate have all but disappeared from memory. Nowadays a typical almajiri school consists of a small room packed with no less than 50 pupils and a stern Mallam who needs the slightest prompt to unleash his horsewhip. And some of the children who travel thousands of miles never get to see their biological parents again. They are brainwashed, abused, trafficked, kidnapped, sodomized and in some cases murdered for evil rituals. The cruelty is stark! Many of these hapless kids exposed to the baseness and megrim of our wicked world at a tender age eventually become the scum of society and willing recruits drafted into banditry and terrorism to satiate the ruthless lust for power among the ruling class. They have grown into the cancerous monster that plagues the north today and which symmetrically threatens our protracted quest for nationhood. And despite its strangle hold on power over the years the statistics from region leaves one in tears. In 2014, a UNICEF report put the estimate of almajiris in Nigeria at 9.5 million. This mob of bowl-carrying children represents about 72% of the country’s 13.2 million out-of-school children. Another study conducted by the World Bank between 2011 and 2016 noted that “poverty in the northern regions of the country has been increasing especially in the north-west zone” where almost half of all poor lived with the north accounting for 87% of poverty in the country. We are now in 2020 and there is a possibility of that these figures have doubled given the economic downturn witnessed in the past few years. That may explain why it didn’t come as a shock to many when more than 300 boys and men including citizens of Mali and Burkinafaso

Blog, Essays, Monishots

Amnesty Or The Gallows For Boko Haram?

  “Reconciliation does not mean forgetting or trying to bury the pain of conflict, but that reconciliation means working together to correct the legacy of past injustice.” ~ Nelson Mandela It would appear that Senator Enyinnaya Abaribe’s controversial call on President Buhari to resign hit the bullseye. I had opined in my last article that the Abia Senator indirectly told the North to wake up as the rest of the country seems to have finally lost its patience with the region’s seeming anathema for progress even after dominating the country’s leadership for many decades. Subsequently, notable northern leaders are speaking out. The Emir of Kano, Alhaji Sanusi Lamido reiterated his position on sanitising the Almajiri system, stating that Islam prohibits begging and that those who claim otherwise are misleading the people. Governor Zulum of Borno state publicly blamed the military for the Auno attack and in a subsequent sympathy visit the President pointedly told traditional rulers that Boko Haram attacks could only be possible if the people allow it. We were also treated to a memo from the NSA effectively heaping allegations of subversion and insubordination against the president’s Chief of Staff. But perhaps the most controversial issue currently on our table is the proposed bill to rehabilitate Boko Haram terrorists. The bill titled: “National Agency for the Education, Rehabilitation, De-radicalisation and Integration of repentant insurgents in Nigeria”, is sponsored by Senator Ibrahim Gaidam of Yobe East and has passed the first reading in the upper chamber. While we cannot comprehensively dissect the components of the bill as its details still remain sketchy, we can at least peruse the political memory lane to interrogate its potential merits and demerits to determine if it should be rejected totally or redesigned according to the peculiarity of the situation. Let us recollect that this is not entirely new. The suggestion of an amnesty for Boko Haram was first made by Alhaji Saad Abubakar. The Sultan of Sokoto at the 2013 annual meeting of the Jama’atul Nasril Islam (JNI) had called on President Jonathan to “declare amnesty to all combatants without thinking twice”. The government then set up a committee which explored the feasibility of an amnesty deal. Unfortunately, the Jihadist group outrightly rejected any chance of making peace with the government. Nevertheless, some programs on deradicalisation, rehabilitation and reintegration have been undertaken in bits and pieces by NGOs in collaboration with the government. Three prominent programmes include a deradicalisation centre located in Kuje prison, Abuja which was created by the Jonathan administration in 2014. Operation Safe Corridor launched by the current government in 2016 and the Yellow Ribbon Initiative set up in 2017 by Neem Foundation, an NGO embedded in some affected communities in Borno state. The concept of amnesty is equally not a new phenomenon in Nigeria. The Yar’Adua government had offered the same to MEND militants who unleashed terror in the creeks to demand resource control as a panacea to the rising poverty and environmental degradation in the Niger Delta. Before you crucify me for including Niger Delta militants in the same essay with Boko Haram kindly permit me to reboot your anamnesis with a few lines. Sometime in March 2009, militants from Tompolo’s dreaded Camp Five in Gbaramatu Kingdom ambushed a JTF patrol in the creeks and reportedly KILLED 13 soldiers. A number of foreigners were also kidnapped and several vessels destroyed in that operation. When President Yar’Adua began consultations for his proposed amnesty to end the Niger Delta crisis he held several informal meetings with militant leaders in the Villa and some of their demands included the release of CAPTURED militants being detained in connection with the killing of JTF troops. The President acquiesced, and consequently “the military was directed to free several militants and their supporters who were in their custody”- Adeniyi Power, Politics And Death p. 83. Yar’Adua would later announce his amnesty deal and in July 2009 a budget of between N52–68 billion was set aside for the REHABILITATION of over 20,000 REPENTANT militants. They became pampered ‘govt pikins’ undergoing training, rehabilitation and reintegration over a period of 42 months in government-designated residential training centres at home and abroad. They were flown to and fro Abuja, chauffered around in official government vehicles, fed and accommodated in luxury hotels at taxpayers’ expense. Some ex-militants received monthly allowances of N65,000 over that period. An amount that tripled the average salary of a rookie civil servant and also higher than that of a recruit in the military. I have elucidated the foregoing points with some emphasis to elicit a vivid evocation for those may be quick to slate any analogy between the two scenarios by offering the naive argument that the Boko Haram insurgency is entirely different from the Niger Delta militancy. Of course, the ideology, motive and modus operandi of both groups differ greatly. However, terrorism has varying forms including economic terrorism and if we agree on the textbook definition of the word then we can also agree that one man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom fighter. So ditching the semantics leaves us with two similarities. One, both groups have taken up arms against the Nigerian state in pursuit of their objectives. And two, both have killed Nigerians. However, the opposition against the current proposal has been much louder than the support for it. That is assuming it has any beyond Senator Gaidam. This is quite understandable because no group has caused more damage to this country than Boko Haram since the 1914 amalgamation. Senator Ali Ndume, a prominent lawmaker from the northeast who was once arrested for links to Boko Haram is leading the naysayers. He is of the opinion that the bill will only encourage the insurgents as “it is when you win the war and some people surrender that you think about something like that,”. While Senator Istifanus Gyang from Plateau North urged his colleagues to reject the bill on the basis that it will be rewarding the criminals instead of rehabilitating the victim communities displaced by their criminality. But

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