ethnic

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The Igbo — Yoruba Mistrust by Chukwuemeka Oluka

There is no way one can write on the Igbo — Yoruba mistrust without opening some healed wounds. Sadly, this is what the essay will do. In the end, however, the writer provides enough collagen to help the wounds heal and then help to avoid the sustenance of more wounds. Highlighted in this essay is the role of principal actors (between the Igbo and Yoruba) in the civil war, and how previous working agreements and the attempts to have a ‘handshake’ between the two tribes collapsed. The essay also explores how ethnicity was used in the 2023 general elections in Lagos to widen the growing mistrust between the Igbo and Yoruba. There is always a complicated blame game between the Igbo and Yoruba, and one that is as old as pre-independence. History witnessed the intrigues and drama. This blame game has inadvertently led to a level of mistrust that has continued to alienate the Igbo and Yoruba, making the prospect of any beautiful political marriage a mirage. The fallout of Biafra — Nigeria civil war meant that the Igbos are always in a hurry to describe their southern brothers, the Yoruba as betrayers. There is the allegation that the Yoruba failed to secede from Nigeria as purportedly agreed during a meeting between Obafemi Awolowo and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. These two arguably were the symbolism of the Yoruba tribe and the Igbo tribe. That allegation held that instead, Awolowo joined forces with General Yakubu Gowon the then Head of state to fight Biafra, as he (Awolowo) was the brain behind the use of starvation as a weapon to destroy Ndigbo during the war that occurred from 1967 to 1970. This is one side of the coin. Another side of the coin maintained that during the meeting between Awolowo and Ojukwu, what the premier of the Western region said was that “if the Igbo were ‘driven’ out of Nigeria, the Yoruba would take it seriously and reassess their own position.” With this, the Yoruba would absolve themselves of any accusation of betrayal. Yet, what is certain was that Awolowo came to Enugu, after which Ojukwu declared Biafra, which later led to the civil war. The Yoruba would also turn around and accuse the Igbo of first betraying them, laying pointers to the 1965 elections of the first republic. In that election, the Yoruba alleged that the West and the East had agreed to boycott the election. While the Yoruba kept to their side of the bargain, the Igbo went ahead to vote. However, some political observers say that the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which were in power at the time in the East faced a dilemma, which was either to boycott the election — (that saw the Federal Government-powered Nigerian National Democratic Party NNDP of Akintola which was opposed to the then mainstream Action Group AG) — and lose power or to play along and stay in power. The observers said the Igbo looked at political reality and then chose to hold on to power. This, according to the observers should cut the Igbo some form of slack in the blame game. In another twist of blame, the Yoruba have accused the Igbo of never trusting them. They say the South-East always preferred to form an alliance with the North, even when the Yoruba extended their hands. The Yoruba would site an instance where a joint government between Zik’s NCNC and Awolowo’s AG, offered by Awolowo was jettisoned by Zik. In that arrangement, Awolowo conceded for Zik to be the Prime Minister while he would become the finance minister. Recall also that the Sardauna (Sir Ahmadu Bello) had also offered an alliance to Zik. This deal eventually saw (Tafawa) Balewa become the Prime Minister while Zik became the President. In the defence of Zik’s decision, it is opined that he had more of a Nationalist inclination and disposition in his decision, in that he felt that an alliance with Awolowo would be judged as a Southern alliance. Another defence was that Zik sensed some form of double play by the Yoruba because at the time Awolowo, who was the Premier of the Western Region offered the alliance to Zik, a principal actor in the West (AG) Ayo Rosiji, was also patronizing sir Ahmadu Bello in the North (NPC). Some would wonder, why would an alliance even work when in the 1951 Western House of Assembly election, Zik aspired to be the premier but some Yoruba allies in the NCNC dramatically cross-carpeted and teamed up with Awolowo’s AG leading to him becoming the Premier. These interplays of accusations and allegations meant that the two tribes would continue to demonize each other and the consequences of the hate-filled exchanges continue to haunt the two tribes. Just in the recently concluded 2023 general elections witnessed in Lagos, we all saw how ethnicity was deployed as a weapon to execute the elections. Hurtful and hateful words became catchphrases used by miscreants on the streets of Lagos and the ‘vawulence’ streets of Twitter. The zenith of it all was during the 2023 governorship election. Lagos became the centre of attention for its attempts at vilifying Ndigbo for holding contrary political positions. Social miscreants known as ‘Area Boys’ allegedly instigated by certain political heavyweights, attacked Igbo-dominated areas of Lagos. It was alleged that their grouse against the Igbo was their inability to vote for the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Recall that Tinubu, the godfather of Lagos politics lost at ‘home’ to Mr Peter Obi the candidate of the Labour Party (LP) during the February 25th, 2023 Presidential elections. It was unheard of because many didn’t imagine that such a feat could be reached by Obi. After Tinubu lost to Obi in Lagos, barely five days before the gubernatorial election, nine governorship candidates stepped down and declared support for the incumbent Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu of the APC. Political analysts say the Labour Party may have instilled some level of fear into the ruling APC. Somehow, Mr

Essays, Writers

Towards Peaceful Co-existence Among Ethnicities by Abulrasaq Ariwoola.

  More than ever, the dividing lines have made themselves apparent, and we are yet again, as a nation, discussing issues that have plagued our political and socio-economic landscapes for decades. The recent tension between herders-farmers and kidnappers –villagers in the South has led to a national outcry about the country’s level of insecurity and pointing fingers at the ethnic group most responsible for these problems. Also, the laxity with which security agencies have been handling issues in the country has brought up conversations about whether the government exists for all parties’ interest. The ethnic violence currently escalating precede Nigeria’s formation as a country, and likewise, scepticism about the truism of the ‘unity in diversity’ phrase has always been raised in national discuss. Chief Awolowo, in 1947, had been the first to voice out, describing Nigeria as “a mere geographical expression” rather than a nation. He stated further that the Nigerian identity is merely one that exists to differentiate those who live within the country from those who do not, and not an identity that births a sense of commonness and belonging. In the same vein, Sir Tafawa Balewa had made known the gap between the two provinces – southern and northern – then. He referred to Nigeria as a country that had “since the amalgamation of the southern and northern provinces in 1914 existed as one country only on paper…It is still far from being united. Nigeria’s unity is only a British intention for the country.” These statements shed some light on religious and ethnic nationalism leading to conflicts about control of state power, unequal allocation of resources, citizenship issues, state collapse, economic decline and ethnoreligious clashes. While it is everyday news that Nigeria’s formation as a country was merely for administrative efficiency in exploiting resources, there are other countries that are heterogeneous, and they have found ways to overcome their differences. The escalation of ethnic violence in the country has its roots in historical events that still influence the pervasive ethnic mistrust in the country. From the 1953 Kano Riot, the 1966 Coup D’état, the 1966 Nigerian counter-coup, to the 1967 Nigerian Civil war, it is without doubt that ethnic related violence has constituted a more significant part of our history. As much as the issue of ethnic violence is one that came about as a result of the unholy matrimony created by the British, much of its sustenance has been as a result of the government’s lackadaisical attitude towards quelling this violence. It is still surprising that ever since the herders-farmers conflict gained national attention, there hasn’t been any decisive action on the government’s side other than reassurances and mere play on words. What this has done is to breed a level of mistrust in the affected groups towards the government as one that would only favour their kinsmen, which to an extent is the truth. The same government that pled clemency with governors affected by marauding Fulani herders pillaging their farms was quick to threaten those who sought to evict the Fulani herdsmen from their villages. Furthermore, as people start to notice these diving lines and the government’s failure to manage the country’s diversity with a sense of fairness and equity, tensions will continue to rise. The Shasha market violent clash between Hausa and Yoruba traders is a notable example. For people who had cohabited peacefully for years, it took just a little misunderstanding between a cobbler and a cart pusher to light a violent clash that resulted in mayhem with many businesses reduced to ashes. It is, therefore, vital that decisive actions are taken in the right direction. Solutions to Ethnic Violence In addressing ethnic related violence, the stereotyping of a particular ethnic group to a particular crime needs to be stopped. To the northerner, all fraudsters and drug smugglers in the country are southerners, and to the southerners, every kidnapper, herdsmen and bandit is a northerner. While these statements bear some atom of truth, criminal actions shouldn’t be given an ethnical identity or be viewed with bias. The government should confront criminal activities dispassionately and as intelligently as possible, which should apply to state-led security operations. If security forces can be deployed to stop the eviction of Fulanis from the South, then the government should employ equal force in addressing the indiscriminate killing of farmers by the herders. The government should be proactive in dealing with insecurity issues before it escalates beyond their control. Their inability to perform this role has created a dangerous vacuum that is increasingly filled by citizens taking self-defence measures to safeguard themselves. When such happens, there is the possibility of such people to take irrational decisions. In the case of a farmer whose farm had been destroyed, any Fulani onsite is a possible target for retribution. The same applies to herders bearing arms to protect themselves against rustlers and bandits. Also, much of ethnic mistrust and violence happens because of the fear of domination by a particular group or sect. While the structural composition of the country into States allays that fear, the states have been rendered almost powerless in delivering expectations. The Federal Government as the central authority is too powerful and that has rendered the States ineffective. Thus when someone ascends into power, there is immediately the fear of domination in other ethnic groups. Hence the reason why the Presidency is rotated amongst the three regions as though it was written in the constitution to do so. If the concept of regionalism is promoted, with states still in existence, each state will be able to handle its own affairs without having to turn to the federal government for help or support. Furthermore, there should be massive enlightenment of the people on the ills of ethnic violence and how it halts national progress and development. The recent clashes should be cited as examples of how much ethnic violence would cost the economy and even the country itself, in terms of how much people co-interact to make things

Blog, Reverie

My thoughts as Suu Kyi is stripped of human rights award over the Rohingya crisis.

This has been long coming. I have repeatedly tweeted that Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi should be stripped of her numerous peace awards because of her glaring hypocrisy on the Rohingya ethnic cleansing. Now the Oxford City Council where she was an undergraduate, has unanimously voted to recommend Suu Kyi’s Freedom of the City award be withdrawn, citing deep concerns about the treatment of Rohingya Muslims under her watch. The council has removed her portrait last week from public display.This is happening even as other British institutions increasingly distance themselves from the embattled former rights icon. Local Councillor and Labour party member Mary Clarkson said that “the city’s reputation is tarnished by honouring those who turn a blind eye to violence,” in a speech presenting the motion. “While the UN calls the situation a ‘textbook example of ethnic cleansing’, Aung San Suu Kyi denies any ethnic cleansing and dismisses numerous claims of sexual violence against Rohingya women as ‘fake rape,’” Clarkson said. Council leader Bob Price supported the motion, reportedly calling it an “unprecedented step” for the local authority. Daw Suu (as she’s fondly by her followers) made her first public statement on the subject since the exodus of refugees began in a speech in late September. She said her government condemned all human rights violations and promised to punish those responsible, disingenuously avoiding to address accusations of ethnic cleansing and also failed to criticise the military actions. Her speech came under a barrage of criticisms and  Amnesty International branded it “little more than a mix of untruths and victim-blaming” A number of institutions are also reviewing or removing honours bestowed on Suu Kyi during her campaign for democracy. Bristol University and The London School of Economics students union that awarded honorary degrees to the Burmese leader during her time in opposition, also said they were reviewing its award in light of her position on the brutal violence against the Rohingya Muslims. A friend of mine once said she will like to taste power just so that she will know what makes people change once they have it. For a rights activist who was under house arrest in her native Myanmar where she remained a prisoner for 21 years, it is really difficult to fathom what might have changed in Suu Kyi How is she able to sleep at night after watching new reports on thousands of Rohingya people discovered floating in boats on the south-east Asian seas? Does she not cry at the thought of over 500,000 Myanmar’s Rohingya people who are said to have fled across the border to Bangladesh in less than two months? Surely there will be moments of flashbacks at her time in confinement to remind her what freedom means to all humans. Prior to this, I have read in a HuffPost report where she explained her silence. She reportedly said: “I am not silent because of political calculation. I am silent because whoever’s side I stand on, there will be more blood. If I speak up for human rights, they (the Rohingya) will only suffer. There will be more blood.” These are deep words indeed. Some will dismiss her words as a flimsy alibi. For those who may want to consider it so, let me say that they could be right. Aung San Suu Kyi will definitely not be another Mandela. Madiba it was who on his release from prison stood against the planned exclusion of whites (who imprisoned him for 27 years) from his party, the African National Congress ANC. He rather condemned the violence perpetrated by blacks against them and welcomed them into his government. It was the same Mandela who once said that “there are times when a leader must move ahead of his flock”. The time for Daw Suu to speak out is now. Her words in that HuffPost report exposed the real threat of genocide faced by the Rohingyas. She can forget about awards, a bigger legacy will be left behind by speaking the truth and calling on the world to come to the aid of the Rohingyas. The clock ticks.

Blog, Essays

Ethnic Pride And Prejudice In Nigeria by Simon Kolawole

If your Sundays do not include his column then you are missing. Once again Simon Kolawole hits the nail on the head in this piece originally published by TheCable. Read on…     Riddle: name the Nigerian ethnic group known for being “arrogant” and “clannish”. I will give you one or two clues to make things easier. They are perceived by others as thinking and acting like they are God’s greatest gift to Nigeria. They think they are by far superior to the other ethnic groups. Give them a space in public office and they will take a yard, filling every available position with people from their ethnic group. Even the gateman, the cook and the cleaner will be from their own part of the country. When one of them starts a line of business, sooner than later they will populate and dominate that space with their kith and kin. Any guesses? Yoruba? Hausa/Fulani? Igbo? Maybe your guess is Yoruba. They are accused of “ethnic arrogance”. They actually call themselves the “Yoruba race”, meaning they are not just an ethnic group like others but a whole race — as you have the white race, the black race and the human race! In fact, the Yoruba pride themselves as the “most educated” and the “most sophisticated” in Nigeria. Their elite often say “the rest of the country is holding us back”. The solution is the revival of the defunct Oyo Empire under an Oduduwa Republic! There is this Yoruba saying: “Ajise bi Oyo laari, Oyo kiise bi eni kookan” (“You can only imitate Oyo; Oyo do not imitate anyone”). Pride? Arrogance? On clannishness, some argue that the Yoruba are the kings of “tribalism”. Some say Yoruba started ethnic politics in Nigeria when the Greak Zik was denied premiership of Western region in 1952. President Olusegun Obasanjo was initially accused of running an “Afenifere government” in 1999. Mr. Louis Odion, respected columnist, wrote in Daily Sun (November 9, 2003) that Obasanjo had established a “new Yoruba oligarchy”; the NNPC GMD, the police IG and the CBN governor were all Yoruba, he said. Most recently, Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo was accused of filling government with Yoruba and Redeemed Church members within two weeks of being acting president! Being classified as “arrogant and clannish” is not limited to the Yoruba, so my riddle remains unsolved. You want to make another guess? The “born-to-rule” Fulani and their Siamese twin, Hausa! I grew up being made to understand that the “Hausa/Fulani oligarchy” think they own the country. In fact, I used to hear of the “Kaduna Mafia” that decided everything about political power in Nigeria. The rest of Nigeria believed (believes?) if you do not pander to the Hausa/Fulani interest, you can never become president. The late Alhaji Maitama Sule, former minister, was once quoted as suggesting that northerners were the ones divinely gifted with the leadership of Nigeria. As for clannishness, one of the raging accusations against President Muhammadu Buhari is that he has filled his government with the Hausa/Fulani. Since he came to power in May 2015, there has been an outcry that most revenue-rich agencies (“plum jobs”, as we call them in Nigeria) and key security bodies are headed by the Hausa/Fulani. The recent recruitment by the DSS, in which more people were employed from Katsina state than the entire south-east, is further given as evidence. The late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua was also intensely accused of not just filling strategic positions with northerners but making sure they were from the Katsina-Kano axis. So maybe Hausa/Fulani is the answer to the riddle? Or Igbo? I recently got entangled in a protracted but decent argument with a reader over my article, “Biafra is Not a Dirty Word” (May 28, 2017). In it, I broached the possibility of a president from the south-east in 2019 to balance the national equation and continue the nation-building project. The reader objected furiously. She said she would never support an Igbo to become president. She said the Igbo think they are superior to everyone else “and that the rest of us are just making up the numbers”, reminding me that the Greak Zik was quoted in 1949 as saying the Igbo were created “to lead the children of Africa from bondage”. She referred to a statement attributed to Mr. Charles Onyeama, an Igbo lawyer and member of the central legislative council, in 1945 that “Igbo domination of Nigeria is only a matter of time”. She argued that the central thesis in Prof. Chinua Achebe’s book, “There Was a Country”, is that Nigeria was making progress when Igbo were the ones calling the shots — “an arrogant suggestion that merit is an exclusive Igbo thing”. She added: “Achebe more or less said Nigeria was no longer a country because his Igbo brethren lost their strategic positions at federal level after the July 1966 countercoup. That is conceit undisguised.” Sure, I am aware of the arguments being articulated against the Igbo by other ethnic groups, particularly the charge of clannishness. They are often accused of seeking to dominate anywhere they operate. It is said that when an Igbo trader rents a shop, he will soon make sure all the surrounding shops are taken by fellow Igbo traders. I am aware of the accusation that Senator Anyim Pius Anyim filled his office with Igbo when he was secretary to the government of the federation, and that the financial sector was overwhelmingly Igbo when Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was minister of finance. So, is Igbo your final answer to the riddle? Wait a minute — what about the Ijaw? They were also accused of being “arrogant and clannish” when President Goodluck Jonathan was in power. Ijaw leaders and youth constantly reminded the rest of Nigeria that it is “our oyel” (also known as “oil”) that is sustaining Nigeria, isn’t it? The haughtiness of Ijaw militants such as Asari Dokubo and Government Tompolo, it was said, stank to high heavens. They were accused of walking

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