Election days come and go. But the struggle of the people to create a government which represents all of us and not just the one per cent — a government based on the principles of economic, social, racial and environmental justice — that struggle continues.
A central issue in the quest for Nigeria’s greatness is leadership selection. Some 2,400 years ago, the great philosopher, Plato, argued that “As a just and healthy person is governed by knowledge and reason, a just society must be under the control of society’s most cultivated and best-informed minds, its ‘lovers of wisdom’…” I have chosen to share the thoughts of our two presidents to encourage a debate on the matter, especially given the pervasive indifference or downright loathsomeness to matters of politics and governance by the so-called ‘lovers of wisdom’. I served Nigeria under two presidents. This piece is not part of ‘the book’ on presidential governance. The date was Friday, March 17, 2006. At the morning prayer session with President Olusegun Obasanjo at the ‘red carpet’ in the villa, I raised a special prayer point and asked the congregation to pray for the new governor of my state Anambra, Peter Obi (who was on his way from Abuja to Awka to be sworn in same day), as well as for Anambra State so that Obi’s regime may mark an end to the brigandage and misrule in the state. We were all upstanding. The president cut in, and pointing in my direction remarked: “We shall pray as you have requested but the problem with you people from Anambra is that those of you who have something to offer shy away from politics and hooligans have taken over your state”. To the best of my recollection, that was the only prayer point during the four years of daily devotion that received a commentary. ‘Baba’, as we fondly call him was basically telling us to ‘get involved or stop complaining’. Periodically, the three of us from Anambra who were regular members of the prayer group (Oby Ezekwesili, Rev.William Okoye and I) had cause to brainstorm on the challenges and limitations of participation in politics especially by those of us who were ‘technocrats’. While we were obsessed with ‘good governance’, we had little interest in the process of acquiring power. After leaving office as governor of the central bank, I was in London when twice in June 2009 I received calls from Alhaji Mangal to the effect that President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua wanted to see me anytime I was in Nigeria. I returned with my family late July and on Sunday, July 26, I received a call that the president wanted to see me by 9:30pm. After a few banter, he asked what I was doing abroad. As I explained the three offers I was considering, he was shaking his head. “Well”, he started, “it is not because you are here, but I have said this several times to you. Given your age, skills, and your accomplishments for our economy and financial system, it would be a waste for you not to continue to be involved in Nigeria’s public service… For example, there is going to be an election in your state early next year and I want to strongly urge you to show interest… You know that your state has been unfortunate with leadership, and our party has been in crisis there…” At that point, my heartbeat was racing. Before I left office, many people from Anambra had suggested that I should run for governor but it did not make any sense to me and my family. As I began my response, Yar’Adua cut in and suggested that I did not need to respond immediately but instead that I should go home and ‘consult’ with some of the political leaders in the state. He then raised his two thumbs and assured that “if you accept to do this, I will come out fully to make sure that you get there”. If he had allowed me to respond immediately, the answer would have been an unambiguous ‘NO’. I thanked him and left. On getting home, my wife was curious. I summarized what the president said, and she asked: ‘so what was your response?’ I told her the president would not let me respond but asked that I go and ‘consult’. “Then go back tomorrow and tell him that you have finished consulting and that the answer is No”, she ruled. I pleaded with her that we should at least give some time, out of respect, before reporting our decision. I confided in a few people and sought their advice. Within a week, the ‘rumours’ were everywhere. In the meantime, Yar’Adua also told a few people of his plans for Anambra and how he wanted to ‘use Soludo to make Anambra a model state’. He specifically requested Chief Tony Anenih to help him make it happen. My wife and I came under inestimable pressure — ‘to go and serve our people’. Some even said it was a ‘divine call to serve’, etc. My wife loathes politics and can’t stand it. On August 12, 2009, I gave Yar’Adua the ‘preliminary report’ on my consultations. To enable me take a decision, I presented the challenges and threats to his proposal to which he laid out solutions. I told him that after three offices at the Federal Government (as chief economic adviser, de facto Minister of National Planning; and governor of the central bank) I believed I had had my day on duty as far as government was concerned and wanted to return to the international community, academia and private sector. The only reason another public office would make sense to me in the circumstance was if I believed I could really make a fundamental difference. If I would contest, my vision was to transform Anambra’s economy such that after eight years, it would no longer need federation account allocation for recurrent expenditures but would devote 100% of it to capital budget. Consequently, I requested eight things the Federal Government would do to enable me quickly transform the state into an international city, including: an airport; modern seaport for Onitsha and dredging of River Niger to enable medium-sized ship to come to Onitsha; dualisation of
Time heals all wounds unless you pick at them~ Shaun Alexander. The American athlete who stated the above must have spoken from practical experience. Athletes are often prone to injuries, however, Shaun is encouraged that any injury will heal over time on the condition that it is not touched after the necessary treatment is administered. In medicine, injuries that refuse to heal are termed chronic and may cause severe trauma that could physically and emotionally drain a patient to permanent deformity. The name Biafra evokes deep emotions. It actuates a reflection on what many refer to as the Nigerian civil war but in the real sense represents the first black-on-black genocide in postcolonial Africa with Igbos at the receiving end. Attempts to erase or deprecate this truth by the west whose interests were served proved futile as there is abundant literature to buttress it. Ndi Igbo, however, ignored Gowon’s rhetorical 3Rs (Rehabilitation, Reconstruction and Reintegration) after the “No Victor No Vanquished” declaration and moved on. Meandering back to their abandoned outposts they made a tremendous economic recovery in record time and have contributed immensely to a nation left in piteous underdevelopment by decades of misrule. Igbos also made political progress. It took only 9 years to reintegrate back to the center with late Chief Alex Ekwueme as the Vice President alongside prominent Igbo sons like Chuba Okadigbo, Nwafor Orizu, and CC Onoh in the ruling NPN back then. The Great Zik of Africa who led the vibrant duo of Jim Nwobodo and Sam Mbakwe dominated the South East and equally had considerable influence with his NPP in Plateau, Rivers and Lagos states. However, the quest to ascend the throne remained elusive, not for lack of trying though for Azikiwe gave it a shot twice and Ekwueme came very close in 1999. Nevertheless, Igbos continued to be in the reckoning as a tripartite arrangement by the major tribes saw them holding on to the number 3 position all through Obasanjo’s 8-year tenure as the Fourth Republic commenced. It was even more so during the time of Jonathan as Igbos held juicy ministerial positions and reintegration back into the military was deemed to have been accomplished with the appointment of Ihejirika the first ever Igbo Chief of Army Staff in the post-war era. Then came Jonathan’s defeat. We had put our eggs in one basket which was crushed by the same Hausa/Yoruba alliance that gave us the stick during the civil war. Our people were shocked, our leaders in disarray, unsure of what to do or where to go. The Pharaoh who did not know ‘Joseph’ ascended the throne. Rather than spearheading the opposition Ekweremadu who was the highest elected Igbo official in the PDP joined Saraki in the APC Senate leadership. The South-East governors surrendered the party to Wike and our youths became willing tools for unscrupulous politicians. Deafening chants of secession escalated in the region with men of questionable character leading the politicization of Biafra. Indeed, the following two years saw Igbo land overwhelmed by unprecedented political entropy. Well, two weeks they say is a long time in politics. So here we are today with an Igbo son, an exemplary one at that on the ballot of the main opposition party to contest for the nation’s number two job. The restructuring carrot has been dangled once again and Nigeria is no longer a zoo. It is now ‘our country’ which deserves the leadership of Atiku and Obi to prosper. Regardless of your opinion about Peter, that he performed excellently in Anambra is not debatable. He is a consummate administrator whose personal philosophy, prudence, and ability to maximize available resources can never be diminished on the altar of politics. Little wonder the announcement has stirred and continues to stir excitement in the political landscape. A man, however, must have his faults and Peter is human. His approach to politics is commercial and he is deeply immersed in religious politics. His speeches are often dotted with “I did” rather than “We did” exposing a narcissist proclivity and lack of confidence in others. These attributes may have been beneficial on a local level but will likely be inimical in the larger picture of national politics which demands a secular and inclusive appeal. Be that as it may, his choice as Atiku’s running mate is a good one. The problem though is that they will have to navigate labyrinthine impediments to give the incumbent a good fight. For one, though no politician sets out to fail, Atiku’s decision is perceived as politically wrong by many in the sense that the South-West is completely out of the equation in his party. Given the palpable apathy towards the APC in the South-East, the region is already in Turaki’s kitty, so one would have expected a Yoruba running mate in order to make inroads into the second most populous region with a history of vote splitting among the leading parties. All the same, being a veteran in the game, the former Vice President may have an ace up his sleeve and his prerogative must be respected. Nonetheless, it remains to be seen how he will convince the Yorubas that the man who sensationally accused Fashola of ethnic discrimination is better than their son Yemi Osinbajo. Secondly, though Atiku is considered a worthy adversary by many he has rarely managed to scratch Buhari’s votes in the north in previous elections. In 2003 as the Vice President and in 2007 with him on the ballot, Buhari swept most of the core northern states with a wide margin. Conceivably, the task of gaining northern votes will be an arduous one given his alleged utterances against the region and even more so with a man regarded as a part of the unsuccessful connivance to usurp their ‘right’ in 2015. Finally, the base has to be consolidated. Peter has to get off his high horse and stoop to conquer. He must rise above the recent self-serving abjuration by the South-East leaders
The principle that the end justifies the means is and remains the only rule of political ethics; anything else is just a vague chatter and melts away between one’s fingers ~ Arthur Koestler in Darkness at Noon The votes have been cast, yet the recent APGA primary election can rightly be described as the most controversial in the party’s history. Despite the repeated assurance of a level playing ground by the party leadership, we have been inundated with reports of widespread electoral malpractices ranging from intimidation, sabotage, blackmail, nepotism to imposition. Last June I was in Anambra for about three weeks. While working out with a high ranking official of the state government his phone rang and he excused himself to take the call outside the noisy gym. He returned a few minutes later and as we chatted he informed me that a politician who recently decamped to APGA was already inquiring about the delegate list for the party primaries scheduled for September. I replied that the politician must be a veteran. I was proven right in due course as the politician subsequently left APGA after futile attempts to access the delegates. That was an indication of things to come. I reckoned that if such a heavyweight politician couldn’t access the delegates, it is axiomatic that the coming primaries was likely to have been predetermined and would be anything but free and fair. Senator Stella Odua opened the door of strife when she decamped to the PDP citing ‘lack of internal democracy’ as her reason for leaving the party she joined less than four months ago. In Anambra South Senatorial district which is arguably the wealthiest in the continent, the battle for the Senate ticket kicked off with stories of the party’s plan to impose Bianca Ojukwu on the people. Ifeanyi Uba who moved his support to APGA after a botched attempt to obtain the gubernatorial ticket of the PDP alleged a breach of an agreement to grant him an automatic ticket. In Imo state despite claims in some quarters that no election was held Senator Ifeanyi Ararume’s camp has been in wild jubilation as reports of his victory filled the media. A friend had questioned the propriety of granting the former Okigwe Senator who only joined the party a waiver while denying Ifeanyi Uba same after he worked assiduously towards Obiano’s second term. As it were, Bianca Ojukwu was upstaged by the seasoned Nicholas Ukachukwu who eventually clinched the ticket after Ifeanyi Uba was disqualified. However, as I write the rumour currently making the rounds is that the party leadership has concluded plans to annul the election and substitute his name with that of the APGA matriarch who came second. It appears that we may not have heard the last about that exercise. These are a few prime examples of many disputed cases of irregularities arising from the exercise. In fairness to Obiano, he has done well in terms of governance. That much was confirmed by a resounding victory last November. However, unlike his predecessor who was known for his frugality and prudence in resources management to achieve maximum results, Obiano is renowned for his flamboyance and love for aesthetics which by the way has produced good results too. So it is a matter of style which each leader is well entitled to. But while Obi may have performed well in governance, being a businessman somewhat limited his perception of politics to mercantilism. Peter rarely trusted others’ ability to deliver. During his time he sat atop a pyramid where he determined everything including those that could have been successfully executed via delegation. Consequently, he failed woefully in building what Nigerians refer to as ‘a structure’. (A group of influential loyalists capable of mobilising the electorate to deliver needed votes). This left him with little political followership as he left APGA and was equally responsible for his candidate’s poor showing in the gubernatorial election. Obiano seems to have learned from this. Firstly, he has maintained a close relationship with former APGA Chairman and serving Senator Victor Umeh who is regarded as a sagacious politician that understands Igbo politics. Secondly, since his re-election, the governor has redeployed many officials of the state. He has also delegated political affairs to Umeh and his trusted SSA Chinedu Obidigwe while governance is substantially handled by Primus Odili his Chief Of Staff. And finally, a retinue of youthful special assistants has given the semblance of an even spread to his empowerment project. With his desk decluttered the governor was able to look at the bigger picture and quickly went to work. Having previously stated his regrets about the PDP’s rape of his party even after campaigning for former President Jonathan in 2015, Obiano smartly reckoned that his people’s aversion for the APC will harm APGA’s chances in the general election should the rumoured pact to endorse President Buhari come to fruition. This insinuation was quashed as the governor smartly resisted further pressure from the centre with an announcement of the party’s intention to field a presidential candidate. Sources claim that he may have opted to work clandestinely for the president with whom he enjoys a warm relationship. In so doing he will assist the president without incurring the ire of his people and in the same breath leverage on federal might to deliver APGA candidates. Killing two birds with one stone. With the primaries done and dusted work has to commence if the party is to succeed during and beyond the coming polls. Some aspirants have threatened litigation while many party members are disappointed, enraged and frustrated at perceived injustice on the part of the leadership. On the sidelines, there are talks of an imminent implosion if aggrieved party stalwarts are not placated. Of course, all these are lucid however they are also not strange. There is no political party in the country that is not faced with similar problems. In every election, there must be winners and losers. Governor Obiano stands on
It is about six months to the general elections and conceivably politicking has taken the centre stage. We have already been treated to the ignoble dance of defections, a botched or staged NASS takeover -depending on your perspective- and now we are witnessing the second season of letter writing. No doubt our champion Obansajo will be green with envy as his writing prowess has been eclipsed by that of younger gladiators in a war of attrition that may well shape the political future of the nation. Leading the charge in a frenetic start to the week is Asiwaju Bola Tunubu. In a statement titled ‘They go Away Because We go the Right Way’ the former Lagos state governor and leader of the ruling APC alleged that Saraki and Tambuwal defected to the PDP because they were promised automatic tickets to pursue their political ambition, something he claimed was not possible in his party. In his response, the Senate President accused Tinubu of dishonesty saying that he is still aggrieved at being denied the Vice Presidential ticket in 2014 and that his support for President Buhari’s re-election is solely informed by own his presidential ambition. The debate over this bickering has since dominated the political and media space. Frankly, I don’t give a hoot and you shouldn’t too. Why should we care? It is neither about our betterment nor national interest, what’s more, the discerning political observer should know that both men have said nothing new. Both are ambitious, wealthy and power hungry. Their quest to occupy the seat in Aso Rock is already in the public domain. But it will be unrealistic to expect that Nigerians will disregard this one, we love drama and we are savouring this. More so considering that in the process of fulfilling their ambition politicians may bring progress and development to their people, we must interrogate these statements, albeit without taking sides. In a previous article I posited that the recent defections “may offer some hope for the political lightweights to have a shot at retaining their positions in 2019 but the gladiators are actually battling for relevance in readiness for a post-Buhari Nigeria in 2023”. This position has been buttressed by the events of yesterday. Anybody who still believes that President Buhari will be defeated next February needs to study our political history beginning with social studies. By 2023 power will naturally rotate to the South at least in the APC, and if the PDP is still afloat by then we should expect a similar arrangement assuming they are to seriously give the presidency a shot. Sadly, it is becoming clearer each day that my South East region is not even on the ringside for the political battle of 2023 because while the politicking and positioning were going on our politicians were battling with the chants of “Biafra or I die” from an electorate largely brainwashed by IPOB. Now four years is almost gone with the South-South better placed in the two leading parties to slug it out with other regions for political power. But it is never too late, politics can be dynamic and if we are to work with Saraki’s statement that Asiwaju believes the presidency should go to the South West and ultimately to him then we can expect that 2023 will be more keenly contested. This is because with the exception of Buhari the president of Nigeria rarely goes to those who covet it. Tinubu will meet stiff opposition within his region from potential candidates like Osinbajo and Fashola, he will also have to contend with the resistance from the likes of Saraki and Tambuwal. Likewise in the PDP, governor Wike will face strong dissent in achieving his rumoured desire to ascend Buhari’s throne come 2023. Therein lies the opportunity for Ndi Igbo to stake their cards. This is why we have to quit playing the victim. There is need to replace the brand of politics we played in the past three years with pragmatic and proactive politicking if we are to begin the difficult task of taking back our rightful position in national politics. Its time for Igbo leaders to rise to the occasion, they need to be counted both in the ruling party and in the opposition. Wike and Tinubu must not be allowed to dictate in both parties. They must be pushed all the way. Of course, some will argue that Igbos don’t need the presidency to make progress, that what we need is a restructured and equitable nation to excel. I agree. But I equally agree with the reasoning that it will be equitable for Igbos to produce a Nigerian president after all these years. After all, it is only the South East and North East that are yet to rule since the civil war. Moreover when last did you hear about restructuring? It is a sound whose volume is directly proportional to the distance from Aso rock. Igbos should urge Okorocha, Ngige, Onu, Ekweremadu, Obi, South East governors and other leaders to be more vocal in demanding political power for the sake of equity. Power is not given but taken, so nobody will deliver the presidency on a platter to Ndi Igbo. It will come through hard work, bridge building and strategic alliance. The opportunity beckons in 2023, we could shoot an eagle but to do that we have to aim for the sky.
We have a choice to determine whether we can trust a mans feeble and desperate words over a constitutionally enshrined edict.
In, perhaps, more ways than one, the November 18, 2017 gubernatorial election in Anambra can be fittingly described as a referendum on the leadership ability of the people from the Anambra North Senatorial zone of the state. Consisting of seven, out of the 21 local government areas of the state, Anambra North had never had the good ‘fortune’ of having one of its own mount the exalted seat of the governor since the creation of the state, almost three decades ago. Well, that was until four years ago, when the immediate past governor of the state, Peter Obi, led the clamour and actualisation of the “Anambra North for Governor” project, which led to the election of the incumbent, Willie Obiano. Today, after three and half years on the saddle, it is time for stock-takings regarding whether the incumbent, nay the people of his senatorial district, would be entrusted with a fresh four-year mandate. Although every election ought to centre around an individual candidate’s ability to deliver on the job, the coming Anambra polls have, quite against the norm, dovetailed into a citation on the leadership capability of the entire people of the governor’s senatorial zone. An easy reference is made to the governor’s clannish tendencies in filling many appointive positions with his Aguleri kith and kin, as well as having started and completed no fewer than 35 roads within the community while leaving the other 170 communities in the lurch. For a man who ascended the governorship stool on the promise of Continuing, Completing and Commissioning projects started by his predecessor before Commencing (4Cs) any other, Governor Obiano didn’t take long in recanting this pledge. For, as soon as he mounted the saddle, he spared no effort at proving that he was antithetical to everything former Governor Obi represented. Whereas Obi is known for his prudence, Obiano is an acclaimed spendthrift; just as Obi’s sobriety is made nonsense of by his domineering disposition; and his frugality jettisoned for an ostentatious affinity. Few examples would suffice. While Obi maintained a five-car convoy, Obiano’s stretches to above 25; while Obi flew regular flights, and sometimes on economy tickets, Obiano routinely chartered jets; just as he revels in champagne trysts in the Lodge, while Obi was famed for severely cutting down the costs of governance generally. Now, as someone who hails from that region and who actively played a defining role in actualising the North’s governorship quest, this rankles. Yet, no one can gleefully deny the sincere concerns of our brethren from the Central and South Senatorial zones, when they make infamous references to ndi North, as represented by Governor Obiano, as “happy-go-lucky fellas” – a euphemism for a people who prefer to merry when the bell of duty tolls. Ironically, the angst of the people does not only dwell on the governor’s dubiety, infrastructure-wise (a story for another day), but rather on his many foibles, many of which are in contrast with the governor’s status as His Excellency! Quite understandable, though, is the fact that man by his very nature is given to several idiosyncrasies: an excessive desire for wine; an irresistible proclivity for womanising, and perhaps a drunken addition to power and its abuse. Yet, all these and more are tolerable in private life, but not when it concerns the occupant of a public office. Moreso, the high office of a state chief executive officer. Indeed, the dividing line of moral probity is reinforced by the use of the word, Excellency, as against the commonplace prefix, Mister. Though high ethical and moral rectitude is expected of everyone regardless of title or status, a heavier burden of acceptable social conduct, at all times, is placed on the head and shoulders of every public office holder. This, instructively, is what ought to differentiate an Obiano, who as a dainty banker can afford to spot a stylish 1950’s patting of the hair and the many distractions that it breeds, from the man who the people choose nearly four years ago as their standard bearer, with misplaced belief in his ability to further the moderation curve which his predecessor had enthroned. Instead, what confronts reasonable indigenes of Anambra in the public arena are often tell-tale signs of a somnambulist. The lesson is forcefully reinforced when we recall that in spite of all his charisma and eight years of superlative service to the American people and the world, the Bill Clinton years is, perhaps, best remembered by that little indiscretion of allowing an “inappropriate” liaison with an intern, Monica Lewinsky, right within the hallowed precincts of the White House. In Awka, despite having a beautiful ornament of a spouse, the ferocious spat of the First Lady with a former female legislator was so engaging that at some point, the buzz word in and around Awka, the Anambra state capital, was that His Excellency was more enamoured to “Ukwu Sara Mbala”. Added to the realization that instead of growing the state’s fortunes as bequeathed to him, Governor Obiano has proceeded to not only lavish same but has even taken the audacious step of accumulating debts of his own, one can begin to understand the on-going negative profiling of the people of Anambra North. But the average Onye Anambra North does not fit this label. On the contrary, they are an industrious lot, being predominantly farmers who work hard to eke out a living. Indeed, above all else, they are a people given to a high degree of fidelity to the truth. Which is, perhaps, why it is the people of the North that would readily agree that they sold a defective merchandise to ndi Anambra in 2013. And as a conscientious lot, it behoves them to change the bad product, with profuse apologies, and then proceed to replace the deficient with a better one. Luckily, the major political parties in the country, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), have both picked candidates from the North Senatorial zone. All that the voting
In this article originally published by Elombah.com Mr. Ifeanyi Afuba takes Peter Obi and his minions to the cleaners. Read on.. In spite of his anger, real or feigned, my friend Mr. Valentine Obienyem knows that he can neither privatize nor ban the history of Anambra State from public discourse. His rejoinder of Friday, September 8, 2017 [Daily Sun] to the essay ‘Anambra: Godfather’s futile dance’[Daily Sun, September 1, 2017] was an attempt at scaring people away from an objective discussion of the state’s recent experiences. The opinion in question was credited to Chinedu Nzeribe, a retired banker. But even with the verifiable details of bank identification, the writer’s status and accompanying passport photograph, we are told by Obienyem’s oracle that this is a ‘non-existent name!’ If Obienyem could deny the iron – cast evidence before our very eyes, then he could also say that Willie Obiano is not the Governor of Anambra State. In the circumstances, could he be trusted to be truthful on the issues raised? History is both the account of events and part of major actors in the various dispensations. It is in this light that the role of Mr. Peter Obi in Anambra’s journey comes up for interrogation. Mr. Peter Obi came into the public space in 2001 when he joined issues on the state’s condition with his poser: Is Anambra State cursed or are we the cause? Obi’s activism continued through the intervening years to his inauguration as Governor of Anambra State on March 17, 2006. After eight years of governorship, Obi is still in the public space as a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party. These 16 years of active involvement in Anambra’s government and politics means that up to a point he is part of the contemporary issues. It is therefore not for lack of something to do that commentators dwell on the former governor’s activities. It is not necessarily about liking or not liking his face. The truth of the matter is that any dispassionate reading of the state’s political history cannot omit the godfather syndrome. In a tribute to Mr Peter Obi on his 43rd birthday anniversary published in Vanguard, July 19, 2004, I observed: ‘If there was one lesson to be learnt from the first four years of the fourth republic, it was that sooner or later, instability would rock a government installed by a political godfather. Ask Chimaroke Nnamani. Ask Chinwoke Mbadinuju. Ask Kwara’s Mohammed Lawal.’ Mr. Peter Obi’s struggle for the restoration of his stolen mandate was a crusade against the godfather tendency, a patriotic pursuit for which many of us lined up behind him. The stability and multi-sectoral achievements of the Willie Obiano administration partly results from the independence of the regime. The present Anambra State government was enthroned by the people of Anambra State and to whom it is accountable. It is an ego trip for anyone laying claim to the singular capacity of delivering the regime in 2013/2014. Admittedly, there were individuals such as Peter Obi and Victor Umeh who played crucial roles. It is also true that Mr. Peter Obi’s preferred candidates for the APGA ticket in that election were Oseloka Obaze, Chike Obidigbo and Chinedu Idigo. Their candidatures were found unsuitable by the party largely represented by Victor Umeh. In the ensuing stalemate, Obiano easily emerged as the candidate acceptable to the varying interests in the party. And somewhat like David disregarded by his father as the young herd boy undeserving of consideration for the kingship but who rose to become the greatest ruler of ancient Israel, Obiano the unlikely candidate has proved to be the pacesetter in Anambra’s development journey. With the hurricane destruction trailing the godfathers’ years still haunting our memory, it is only natural that the alarm bells will begin to ring at the prospect of a return to this frightening scenario. Ndi Anambra have a legitimate interest in assessing the three prominent candidates in the November 18, 2017, poll. While it is clear that Obiano is not leaning on anyone – to the benefit of Anambra State – the props pulling up the other two candidates are subjects of intense debate. Mr. Oseloka Obaze has not denied that his aspiration to be Governor is backed by Peter Obi’s sponsorship. Nor has Obi himself denied that he is back to the same project he unsuccessfully tried to execute four years ago. We do not necessarily need the eulogies being sung of Obaze by Obienyem to determine that this is a mission to be pursued relentlessly. The question that arises is why Obaze’s candidature has caused so much bad blood among PDP members. At least four among the seven contenders for the party’s ticket, namely Akaolisa Ufodike, John Emeka, Lynda Ikpeazu and Ifeanyi Ubah objected to the emergence of Obaze, with Ifeanyi Ubah said to have already instituted legal action. With Obaze having such a divisive effect on the PDP, why should anyone think that he will not fare worse with Ndi Anambra who have learnt to jealously guard their freedom and commonwealth? The dummy has been sold to the public that the duo of Willie Obiano and Victor Umeh drove Peter Obi out of APGA. How do you send away a man already at the exit door by himself? Shortly after the inauguration of Governor Willie Obiano in March 2014, Peter Obi was considered for the position of Secretary to the Government of the Federation by then President Goodluck Jonathan. Anyim Pius Anyim who was holding the office at the time would have none of that and quickly rallied PDP pressure groups to his side to retain the position. With the office of the SGF foreclosed, Jonathan subsequently designated Obi for ministerial appointment. The nomination was greeted with protests. Even after the Ken Emeakayi leadership of the state chapter of the PDP passed a resolution endorsing the selection, the protests continued and the nomination eventually had to be withdrawn. Even a fresh student of Nigerian politics realises that a
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