Opinion Articles

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

Subsidy Brouhaha And The Way Forward by Solomon Ekoja

/

After the last general election that ushered in the Government of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I never for once thought the country would receive a surprise package during the inauguration speech. Since I wasn’t invited to attend the occasion at the Eagles Square in Abuja, I glued to my radio set and internet facility to catch a glimpse of proceedings. As I followed the salutation and other nitty gritty of the speech, this part hit me like a volcano… ”We commend the decision of the outgoing administration in phasing out the petrol subsidy regime, which has increasingly favoured the rich more than the poor. Subsidy can no longer justify its ever-increasing costs in the wake of drying resources. We shall instead, re-channel the funds into better investment in public infrastructure, education, health care and jobs that will materially improve the lives of millions.” This was not what the majority of Nigerians expected to hear. For me, the news hit me considering the economic situation of the time. After the speech, fuel stations in my town, which had been selling their products the previous day, shut their gates and stopped selling. When they later resumed sale, a litre of fuel skyrocketed to 500 naira to the amazement of many Nigerians. Although the removal of the subsidy on fuel has tremendous benefits to the nation’s economy, the manner in which it was done showed a lack of empathy and consideration for the common Nigerian. As I joined my peers to discuss the issue, the majority were of the opinion that it was an ill-timed policy while a few hailed the decision as a bold step in the right direction. On my path, I believe the removal of the subsidy was good but should have been done in phases to cushion the effect on Nigerians.  In phase one, public services like public transport facilities, government-owned pump stations and local refineries should have been first set up before the partial removal of the subsidy for six months. Thereafter, phase two would have involved the granting of friendly licences to business tycoons to woo them into the local refining of crude oil to create competition. With this achieved, fuel subsidy would have been removed completely without much hassle. The above idea would have created a balance in the economy and assisted Nigerians to seamlessly adapt to the change. Well, the bathtub is already dirty but we can’t afford to throw the baby away with the dirty water. Hence, the need to analyse the effects of the subsidy removal and proffer a way forward. Positive effects *The major gain of removing the subsidy is the freeing of resources for other sectors of the economy. According to the Presidency, Nigeria was able to save $1.32 billion since May 2023 after the subsidy removal. The fear among Nigerians however is whether the funds will be judiciously used to cater for the populace. *The subsidy removal also acted as an incentive for domestic refineries to produce more petroleum products and shift the attention of our economy from importation. *With each state earmarked to receive aid and other palliatives from the Federal government to cushion the effects of the subsidy removal, more job opportunities have opened up, especially in the transport industry. *Through the subsidy removal, there will be a reduction in the yearly budget needed to run the affairs of the country. This will help the country to cut down the cost of governance. *On a funny note, the removal of subsidy has increased the level of daily exercise among Nigerians. Before the subsidy removal, Nigerians especially those in the working class found it difficult to exercise themselves through trekking but with the subsidy removal, many are resorting to trekking and bicycle use for short distance trips. Negative effects *Due to the subsidy removal, there has been an exponential increase in the prices of petroleum products. A litre of fuel now goes for around 600 naira as against 185 naira. The ripple effect of this has caused inflation and reduced the purchasing power of consumers. *Social vices, crimes and protests have become the order of the day since the removal of fuel subsidy. With many Nigerians unemployed in the midst of the current hardship, they are tempted out of a quest for survival to be involved in activities capable of frustrating the peace of the nation. *The subsidy removal has reduced the standard of living of many Nigerians as many now scavenge to survive. *There is an increased rate of mortality among Nigerians in current times. Since people don’t have enough to pay for their health care, they succumb to death in the process. The way forward *Since the fuel subsidy removal increased the cost of living for many Nigerians, there is a need for the government and employers of labour to increase the minimum wage of workers to enable Nigerians to cope with life. *Friendly petroleum refining licences should be granted to investors to boost local production and make crude oil products readily available for all. This competition in the long run will lead to a reduction in the prices of petroleum products. *Government-owned petroleum station needs to be built across all communities in Nigeria to take the products closer to the common person. When this is done, the managers of these stations should be discouraged from hoarding the products but encouraged to sell at fair rates. *Alternative means of transportation like electricity and solar-powered cars and trains should be made available for Nigerians. This will help in shifting our focus from petroleum products to renewable energy thereby, reducing climate change and creating environmentally friendly jobs. *The provision of social amenities like schools and hospitals should become a priority for the government in this era of fuel subsidy removal. This could be achieved through the rechannelling of money saved from the subsidy to the above-mentioned areas to make life comfortable for Nigerians. *Since wants are insatiable, Nigerians should be taught about how to use limited resources to

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

Notes On Nigeria by Victor Oladejo

/

“The trouble with Nigeria is simply and squarely a failure of leadership. There is nothing basically wrong with the Nigerian character…” Chinua Achebe ( The trouble with Nigeria). Writing about Nigeria is a duty if not a burden for Nigerian writers, we do this at a point in our lives, at times with articles, discussions with friends at meetings, with our social media handles ( for netizens like me), whatever way we choose to tell the story of a land filled with honey yet plagued with unending mysteries called Nigeria, we are contributing to her stories, a map for patriots to seek out whenever they try to get a grip on their beloved country. This essay is my little contribution and I would try not to mix it with my sentiments as best as possible. Whenever the question: what is wrong with Nigeria comes up in my discussion with people, I love to pitch my tent with Achebe, hence the quote at the entrance of this essay. The leaders are the problems of the country, why? This question can only be answered by the archives of history. In 1914, the southern and northern protectorates formed Nigeria, this decision was taken by the then-British lords and a few native people, on behalf of a people from different backgrounds, religions, and ancestry. The question at this juncture is: was the regional system of government practiced before on a good course for the people? Yes, the evidence is there to serve as answers, the exponential growth of each region on their resources and pace. However, as I said earlier, the leaders of this land in their “wisdom” decided to create a new path, a journey filled with potholes and a marriage that shouldn’t have existed in the first place. Nigeria became Independent from British Colonial rule in 1960, the country became the envy of the world. Predictions poured in from all corners and a dream of a greater country formed in the minds of Nigerians. These dreams however became a nightmare when the military coup of January 15, 1966, took place. This coup however was interpreted differently by the citizens, the greater part of the populace agreed that it ended the corrupt leaders of the country, while the other parts believed it had another agenda which was tribe related. There is no doubt it was tagged an Igbo coup. Either way, it gave birth to other coups which eventually led to the civil war. The Nigerian civil war which lasted from 1967 to 1970 was a scene of casualties by military machinery and manpower, targeted destruction of properties, and the weaponized starvation of the Igbo people of the then Biafra. The war in its wake, became a dark spot on the already soiled dress of the relationship between the major tribes: Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa. This spot would spread into the fabric of Nigeria and mould the trajectory of governance in the country. We would agree that the leadership system of Nigeria would learn from her dark past and seek out a new path of governance for her people, but the reverse was the case. Many will argue that Gowon tried to rebuild burnt bridges but how true is that claim? The payment of 20 euros to a part of the Igbo population who had just left the ruins of war is a great example of his failure, this in no measure slowed down the progress of these people as they struggled to start all over again. The Gowon government recorded a rise in corruption among the military officers which in many ways contributed to the emergence of Muritala Mohammed in a bloodless coup. The Murtala regime however was short-lived, and from here, there were changes from military to civilian rule as Nigeria strived to find a balance. I won’t dwell much on these changes because I prefer to discuss civilian governments that are relevant to where we are in Nigeria today. President Obasanjo was the first democratically elected president in 1999, the government based on projects and policies is said to be one of the most successful governments in Nigeria, however, there were flaws in this government, one of which is the response to the crisis of attacks by militants in the Niger Delta on oil installations. The Obasanjo in 2006 declared a state of emergency in the region and military actions that affected the civilians and the hunted militants continued until late 2009 when amnesty was introduced. The effect of the mismanagement of the crisis aside from crippling the economy to an extent contributed to a rise in militancy in the region which Umar Yaradua inherited in his government. The political climate during Umar Musa Yar’adua was a peaceful one save for the management of the militancy in the Niger Delta region admits other issues, the continuation of the amnesty program is a commendable part of his policies, the Freedom of Information Act also created a sense of transparency in his government, however, his reign was short-lived and we were ushered into a very dark rollercoaster. After the death of President Yar’ adua, his vice: Goodluck Ebele Jonathan took over, but his government was plagued with different roadblocks some of which were a fall in oil revenue, poverty, and corruption at its peak. It is this government that we witnessed the infamous Diezeni Allison-Madueke, the minister of petroleum who embezzled over $ 20 billion dollars based on missing funds from the oil sector, inflated contracts, and kickbacks from oil companies. This government’s weight on the Nigerians’ necks led to their call for a messiah party, which APC ( All Progressive Congress) tried to fill by contesting in the 2015 general elections. President Mohammed Buhari’s government lasted for eight years, which was characterised by a rise in poverty, insecurity, insurgency and corruption at its peak. The call for a savior arose once again and at this point, I participated for the first time in a significant political decision of this country.

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

The Blame Game Analysis by Solomon Ekoja

/

Before independence from Great Britain, the majority of the blame regarding the turbulence of the country was directed at our Colonial masters. It’s been over sixty years since they left but our turbulence as a nation has continued unabated. Who then should be blamed for the turbulent journey of Nigeria? Bad weather, the citizens or the leaders. As a mathematician, I would like to approach this discussion by appropriating percentages in order to properly highlight the contribution of the players. Leadership In my analysis, forty-five per cent of the blame goes to the leadership cadre of the country. A leader is supposed to be a person who leads a group of people to achieve a common goal but unfortunately, this can’t be said about the crop of leaders in Nigeria. After our independence in 1960, the mantle of leadership was handed over to our founding fathers. Many countries envied our envisaged predicted progress but in a jiffy, the military staged a coup that dislodged the country. The coup happened because of corruption by officials, the Western Nigeria crisis, the intention to install Awolowo as the Head of State, the domino effect from coups outside Nigeria and the personal ambition of the coup plotters. One begins to imagine how corruption found its way into the system to the extent that the army had to conduct a series of massacres to oust their government. This stunted us because sanctions from the Western world limited our progress. When the military assumed office, many thought they would be saints capable of transforming the nation. Unfortunately, they were not. Seven months after the Aguyi Ironsi was installed, northern officers who labelled the previous coup as an Igbo coup coupled with the fear that “the Igbos were getting too big for their boots” staged a counter-coup. General Yakubu Gowon being in power stirred the affairs of the country during a crude oil boom. During this period, Nigeria made a lot of money to the extent the leaders did not know how to spend it. If the leadership was visionary, it should have taken steps to plan for the future like the Arab nations. Agitations from the Eastern region soon resulted in a civil war that claimed millions of lives and properties. This brought the country to a standstill and caused a great setback to our development. Gowon had promised to hand over power to civilian rule but started playing games with the handover. This prompted General Murtala Muhamed who felt cheated for masterminding the counter-coup to stage a bloodless coup. Immediately he took over power, he was regarded as but some power-drunk soldiers who also wanted to taste power, unfortunately, killed the reformer. General Obasanjo took over power and after conducting an election, Alhaji Shehu Shagari became the first democratically elected president of the country. During his tenure, he made agriculture, industry, housing and transportation the major economic goals of his administration. His “green revolution” increased nationwide agricultural productivity but due to staggering corruption, insecurity and indiscipline as claimed by Major General Buhari, his government was toppled. This move truncated the flow of democracy and landed us with sanctions. The military government of Buhari truly reduced the cost of governance, instilled discipline and fought corruption but it was marred by human rights abuses that negatively affected our development trajectory. This contributed to his overthrow by General Babaginda who conducted an annulled election that has continued to haunt the nation. When power was given to the interim government of Ernest Shonekon, General Abacha forcefully received power. His government was characterized by massive corruption, state-sponsored murder and assassinations. Historical records also reveal that there were full-blown cases of corruption during the reign of the military. This implies that only the khaki differentiated them from politicians in Agbada. After our return to democratic rule in government, the country has continued to enjoy trickles of progress accompanied by a windfall of corruption. Money meant for the upkeep of the public continued to be laundered by a select few occupying the corridors of leadership. The leaders who should have been servants have turned the table around to be served. No wonder, billions of naira are spent to cater for the National Assembly while ordinary citizens grapple to feed. When a country borrows money for development, they use the funds judiciously but in our case, our leaders borrow money for laundering purposes that keep generations unborn in perpetual debt. Citizens On the part of the citizens, I wish to apportion thirty per cent of the blame to them. Although these groups of people don’t occupy leadership positions where they can make impactful decisions, their daily activities have continued to hamper the progress of our dear nation. During election periods when credible leaders are supposed to be elected, many citizens join forces with greedy leaders to frustrate the electoral process. Thugs for instance who steal ballot boxes and cause mayhem during elections are from the citizen pool. Their activities continue to deny the country from electing trustworthy leaders with the capacity to stir the country in the right direction. Closely related to this is the issue of corruption among citizens. Many Nigerians engage in corrupt practices daily to the detriment of the country. Citizens for personal gain at the detriment of the nation, illegally mine natural resources like petroleum, gold and coal. This short change reduces our revenue and makes us resort to borrowing. As one flips through the international news headlines, it is not uncommon to hear about Nigerian citizens being arrested for crimes like smuggling, trafficking and cyber-crimes. All these activities give the nation a bad name and often discourage the foreign community from investing in Nigeria. During the last administration, there were reports about the vandalization of rail tracks in order to get peanuts to the detriment of the smooth running of the transport industry. In spite of the security architecture of the country, insecurity has continued to thrive because of the involvement of the citizens. Banditry and Boko

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

Nigeria’s Turbulent Journey: Who is to Blame? by Chukwuemeka Oluka

/

This journey traces a trajectory from ‘Yesterday,’ through ‘Today,’ with a sneak peek into a destination, ‘Tomorrow.’ It is a journey of the most populous black nation on earth with over 200 million people comprising ethnically diverse nationalities trying to define their existence. This work presents an inflective introspection, appraisal and interrogation of Nigeria’s journey from 1960 since it gained independence. What have been the milestones, the failures, and the lessons learnt? Is there any hope for a better tomorrow? These remain the burning questions the writer seeks to answer. Going down memory lane, Nigeria was formed in 1914 when Lord Frederick Lugard amalgamated the Northern and Southern protectorates. This merger brought together over 250 ethnic divides and tribes into a British colony, and the name, ‘Nigeria’ was birthed. In 1960, Nigeria gained independence from British colonization and in 1966, the country experienced military coups that inadvertently overthrew a democratic government. This led to a civil war between the years 1967 to 1970. The death of over a million people during the Biafran — Nigerian civil war would remain a scar on the country’s history. As we capture this event dotting our memory lane, Nigeria is still battling to maintain its unity, with various ethnic groups. While some seek secession, others call for the restructuring of the country. Another dark side of our history was the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential elections and the takeover of power by General Sanni Abacha’s military junta. Afterwards, advocacies and the national feeling and empathy at the time was for the Yoruba tribe to produce the next president in order to assuage them or smoothen already ruffled feathers for the woes that befell their kinsman, M.K.O Abiola. So, the herald of democracy in 1999 brought on board President Olusegun Obasanjo. Deservedly, the return to civilian rule during Obasanjo’s second tenure brought a noticeable transformation to the economy of Nigeria. There were debt cancellations, the massive transformation of the telecommunications industry and also the banking sector. As a result, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the country stood head and shoulders above the rest in Africa and some analysts attributed the economic successes to the favourable international (crude) oil market at the time. The same economic mileages were recorded during the late President Umar Yar’adua and his successor, Goodluck Jonathan. However, a myriad of problems which include, bad leadership, dwindling oil revenues, extreme poverty, pervasive corruption, insecurity, divisive politics, ethnic strife and feuds continue to threaten our collective journey as a country. Political observers believe there remain North-South tensions foisted from the British colonial era and backed by the allegations of colonial favouritism towards Northern Nigeria. To these observers, the North’s numerical strength and massive landmass advantage mean other regions would continue to cry and wail about marginalization. There is no denying that at no time has the nation been so divided along ethnic and religious lines than today. Economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions which were the precursor of the three-year bloodshed during the civil war still stare us in the face. Yet, it appears we are in a hurry not to pick lessons from the war. President Muhammadu Buhari during his inauguration speech following the 2015 presidential election had said, ‘I belong to everybody and I belong to nobody.’ This statement suggested a disposition to foster an inclusive government. The expectation was for Buhari to further unite the country, but to the chagrin of many, the reverse became the case. It’s alleged that since independence, no president has mismanaged Nigeria’s rich ethnic and religious diversity like Buhari. From visible lopsided appointments, which seemingly favoured a particular section of the country, to the treatment of the Fulani herdsmen crisis with kid’s gloves, one cannot but conclude that President Buhari’s government smacked of strong parochial sentiments. Tellingly, there has never been any time the call for a break-up and self-determination has been this rife. While the Yoruba separatist leader, Sunday Igboho champions the course for a Yoruba nation, Nnamdi Kanu the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has refused to back down on the demand for a Biafra state. Similar agitations can also be identified within the Ijaw Nation down South. Under Buhari’s regime and having risen to power on the campaign to fight endemic corruption and insecurity in Nigeria, this double-edged sword of a problem kept defying the odds and threatening our journey. From the Boko-Haram insurgency in the North-East, to rural banditry in the North-West; from unknown gun-men attacks in the South-East to militancy in the Niger-Delta to herdsmen attacks in the North-Central and South-West regions, the story remains unabated. Security sector corruption has inadvertently led to the rising insecurity facing the country; brought about by the secrecy, bribery and corruption shrouding most Arms deals. How about elections in Nigeria? They are rarely free, fair and credible. This is why there are a lot of post-election litigations to challenge electoral rascalities or to retrieve stolen mandates. One may ask; Are the courts rising to the occasion in this direction? The Presidential Elections Petitions Tribunal that just delivered a ruling on Wednesday 6th September, 2023 readily comes to mind. Our democracy is seemingly threatened if the Judiciary wittingly or unwillingly allows themselves to be used by desperate politicians to legitimise their positions. The processes from which our leaders emerge have therefore become fundamentally flawed. Voters complain of intimidation and suppression, and these are stoked by ethnic tensions. These were the hallmarks of what characterized the 2023 general elections. Against the odds, however, sixty-two (62) years of this turbulent journey means Nigeria can still lay claim to over two (2) decades of uninterrupted democracy from 1999 till date. An opportunity presents itself for the country to go back to the drawing board with a view to forge the future our founding fathers envisaged. The greater responsibility lies with the present government to work towards an inclusive government and participation. The task before President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (if he conquers finally in the

Monishot
Blog, Monishots, Opinion Articles

How To Tackle Police Brutality.

/

If someone puts their hands on you make sure they never put their hands on anybody else again. ~ Malcom X Once again we are seeing incidents of police brutality. I earlier wrote that it is not as if these shameful acts of our police officers abated after the #EndSARS protest. No, it just happens that they now try to avoid the cameras but unfortunately for them, Nigerians are bolder, so they record and expose the crimes on social media. However, it is worrisome that many seem to have given up on getting justice. It is not unusual to see comments like “nothing go happen”, and “they will be released the next day” when the police authority reports that perpetrators have been arrested. Of course, it’s easy to understand these feelings in a country where those tasked with protecting citizens are oftentimes the ones harming and in extreme cases taking the lives of citizens. But sometimes it is impatience and ignorance rather than despair that let off offenders in uniform. But we cannot relent. We must continue building Nigeria to a much saner clime. I will scroll back to 2003 and narrate my experience with police brutality to show that our police officers will actually do their job if we demand accountability. I was driving to Enugu with 3 friends when we were stopped at Oji River. After searching my car the police sergeant demanded the vehicle documents which I willingly handed over to him. He then started asking silly irrelevant questions and I initially answered till he asked where I made the money to buy a BMW. For one, Amawbia to Enugu is my regular route and I barely had issues with policemen over the years. Secondly, as a businessman who travels frequently on Nigerian roads, handling the police is a prerequisite skill. And finally, I am a friend of the police by virtue of proximity as my filling station is opposite the State CID and I actually supply the state command petroleum products. So I was more angry than perplexed and retorted, “You should have asked who I am instead”. To which he instantly barked, “Oh you want to impress your friends eh kwa. You want to show them that you can handle the police. Oya come and tell me who you are”. He immediately grabbed my jeans by the waist and started dragging me away. It all escalated so fast that I was halfway to the parked pickup van before I recovered from the shock and raised my voice in protest. “What have I done?” was replied with slaps until he got to the van and asked me to jump in. I refused and continued querying him about my offence. My friend who also recovered from the shocking incident rushed across the road to his superior asking him to intervene. I felt relieved when the inspector, an elderly man shouted at him. “Hey, Samuel hold it there!” The inspector crossed over and asked him what happened. He said I insulted him and refused to obey a lawful order. To my utter dismay without hearing from me the inspector ordered me to jump into the van! Of course, I refused again. An action which I will regret for the rest of my life. They numbered about four and all of them descended on me. I was beaten to a pulp with fists and batons and by the time I was eventually bundled into the van my left shoulder was dislocated. All the pleas from my friends fell on deaf ears. I was asked to surrender my car keys and my friend was ordered to drive my car to Enugu with them. In that excruciating pain, I was left behind the van as they drove all the way to Enugu. For context, a dislocation is classified as one of the most painful injuries. Some police officers can be heartless! We got to their station and I was ordered to sit on the floor. The DPO came out, heard their story and then invited my friend into his office to hear from him. I was later called in and when he heard about my shoulder the first thing he did was to feel the joint. It was evident that this was an experienced officer. He immediately shouted at the inspector. “So you injured this man and instead of taking him to the hospital you brought him here?” The inspector tried to say that I was acting but he was shouted down and instructed to take me to the hospital immediately. I was driven back to the Orthopaedic hospital where my shoulder was fixed. We went back to the station but the DPO had left and we were told to return tomorrow. The next day I came with the full paraphernalia of a successful businessman. I had my lawyer, a colleague in the oil industry and my mentor who incidentally was the DPO’s friend. The idea was to intimidate the entire station and that was exactly what we did. The officers were summoned and pulled off duty. The DPO asked them to plead with me not to submit a petition to the commissioner. For the first time in my life, I witnessed and relished the humiliation of offending police officers as they prostrated and begged. I refused and told the DPO that we will submit the petition. The following week an officer friend, the inspector’s daughter and her husband sauntered into my office clutching a bottle of wine. She introduced herself as a teacher, her husband works at UNN. They pleaded for me to forgive and withdraw my petition. She went on to explain that they have been begging their dad to retire since his 5 children could take care of him but he refused because he wanted to be promoted to ASP before his retirement. My friend explained the reason behind this; apparently, there is a huge salary/pension margin between the two ranks. Well, I called my lawyer and

Blog, Essays, Opinion Articles, Writers

The Igbo — Yoruba Mistrust by Chukwuemeka Oluka

/

There is no way one can write on the Igbo — Yoruba mistrust without opening some healed wounds. Sadly, this is what the essay will do. In the end, however, the writer provides enough collagen to help the wounds heal and then help to avoid the sustenance of more wounds. Highlighted in this essay is the role of principal actors (between the Igbo and Yoruba) in the civil war, and how previous working agreements and the attempts to have a ‘handshake’ between the two tribes collapsed. The essay also explores how ethnicity was used in the 2023 general elections in Lagos to widen the growing mistrust between the Igbo and Yoruba. There is always a complicated blame game between the Igbo and Yoruba, and one that is as old as pre-independence. History witnessed the intrigues and drama. This blame game has inadvertently led to a level of mistrust that has continued to alienate the Igbo and Yoruba, making the prospect of any beautiful political marriage a mirage. The fallout of Biafra — Nigeria civil war meant that the Igbos are always in a hurry to describe their southern brothers, the Yoruba as betrayers. There is the allegation that the Yoruba failed to secede from Nigeria as purportedly agreed during a meeting between Obafemi Awolowo and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. These two arguably were the symbolism of the Yoruba tribe and the Igbo tribe. That allegation held that instead, Awolowo joined forces with General Yakubu Gowon the then Head of state to fight Biafra, as he (Awolowo) was the brain behind the use of starvation as a weapon to destroy Ndigbo during the war that occurred from 1967 to 1970. This is one side of the coin. Another side of the coin maintained that during the meeting between Awolowo and Ojukwu, what the premier of the Western region said was that “if the Igbo were ‘driven’ out of Nigeria, the Yoruba would take it seriously and reassess their own position.” With this, the Yoruba would absolve themselves of any accusation of betrayal. Yet, what is certain was that Awolowo came to Enugu, after which Ojukwu declared Biafra, which later led to the civil war. The Yoruba would also turn around and accuse the Igbo of first betraying them, laying pointers to the 1965 elections of the first republic. In that election, the Yoruba alleged that the West and the East had agreed to boycott the election. While the Yoruba kept to their side of the bargain, the Igbo went ahead to vote. However, some political observers say that the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which were in power at the time in the East faced a dilemma, which was either to boycott the election — (that saw the Federal Government-powered Nigerian National Democratic Party NNDP of Akintola which was opposed to the then mainstream Action Group AG) — and lose power or to play along and stay in power. The observers said the Igbo looked at political reality and then chose to hold on to power. This, according to the observers should cut the Igbo some form of slack in the blame game. In another twist of blame, the Yoruba have accused the Igbo of never trusting them. They say the South-East always preferred to form an alliance with the North, even when the Yoruba extended their hands. The Yoruba would site an instance where a joint government between Zik’s NCNC and Awolowo’s AG, offered by Awolowo was jettisoned by Zik. In that arrangement, Awolowo conceded for Zik to be the Prime Minister while he would become the finance minister. Recall also that the Sardauna (Sir Ahmadu Bello) had also offered an alliance to Zik. This deal eventually saw (Tafawa) Balewa become the Prime Minister while Zik became the President. In the defence of Zik’s decision, it is opined that he had more of a Nationalist inclination and disposition in his decision, in that he felt that an alliance with Awolowo would be judged as a Southern alliance. Another defence was that Zik sensed some form of double play by the Yoruba because at the time Awolowo, who was the Premier of the Western Region offered the alliance to Zik, a principal actor in the West (AG) Ayo Rosiji, was also patronizing sir Ahmadu Bello in the North (NPC). Some would wonder, why would an alliance even work when in the 1951 Western House of Assembly election, Zik aspired to be the premier but some Yoruba allies in the NCNC dramatically cross-carpeted and teamed up with Awolowo’s AG leading to him becoming the Premier. These interplays of accusations and allegations meant that the two tribes would continue to demonize each other and the consequences of the hate-filled exchanges continue to haunt the two tribes. Just in the recently concluded 2023 general elections witnessed in Lagos, we all saw how ethnicity was deployed as a weapon to execute the elections. Hurtful and hateful words became catchphrases used by miscreants on the streets of Lagos and the ‘vawulence’ streets of Twitter. The zenith of it all was during the 2023 governorship election. Lagos became the centre of attention for its attempts at vilifying Ndigbo for holding contrary political positions. Social miscreants known as ‘Area Boys’ allegedly instigated by certain political heavyweights, attacked Igbo-dominated areas of Lagos. It was alleged that their grouse against the Igbo was their inability to vote for the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Recall that Tinubu, the godfather of Lagos politics lost at ‘home’ to Mr Peter Obi the candidate of the Labour Party (LP) during the February 25th, 2023 Presidential elections. It was unheard of because many didn’t imagine that such a feat could be reached by Obi. After Tinubu lost to Obi in Lagos, barely five days before the gubernatorial election, nine governorship candidates stepped down and declared support for the incumbent Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu of the APC. Political analysts say the Labour Party may have instilled some level of fear into the ruling APC. Somehow, Mr

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

Exploring Political Thuggery by Solomon Ekoja

/

Introduction As one examines the peaceful way elections are conducted in the West, one is tempted to question why the case of Nigeria seems different. This is basically because of the activities of thugs who are engaged by corrupt politicians to disrupt the electioneering process in their favor. In view of this, the scope of this research essay lies in defining some terms, examining a case study, discussing the causes of thuggery, highlighting its implications, and proffering solutions that will help in curbing the menace. Definition of terms Political thuggery is a form of political violence that poses a threat and scares politicians, thereby unduly influencing the outcome of the political process and gaining an undue advantage, particularly in elections, against certain politicians, especially those in the minority or those touted to create an upset at the polls. Political thugs are an organized set of criminals who engage in acts such as intimidation and violence to undermine a perceived or real political opponent to enable their sponsors to achieve their selfish political objective or interest. Case study Thuggery has been a serious menace in the political architecture of our dear country for decades now. During the build-up for the 2023 general election, for instance, it discouraged many youths from actively participating as INEC Adhoc staff. Even those who managed to participate came back with bitter testimonies about how they escaped lynching from thugs for refusing to dance to their bidding. Prior to the presidential election, INEC, security agencies, religious organizations, and civil societies tried their best to sensitize the public from engaging in thuggery. This indeed paid off to some degree as people moved freely to fulfil their civic duties. However, during the governorship election, things took a new turn maybe because of the localization of the offices being contested for. As early as 8:00 am, I went to my polling unit to cast my vote for my desired candidate before heading back home. I then tuned in my radio to the gubernatorial situation room to catch the latest update in other parts of the country. To my dismay, the presenter announced the killing of a political thug in Gboko for attempting to snatch a ballot box and disrupt the election. As I struggled to digest the news, the internet space was already littered with pictures of other political thugs killed in other parts of the country. The week following, I resumed back to work to be told by a colleague that one of the thugs killed was his in-law. According to his report, the boy was a graduate, and due to hardship, he was lured into the act with the sum of 10,000 naira. When he arrived at the polling unit, he neglected the presence of the female soldier on the ground to commence his evil mission. As he scattered the election materials and was about to leave, the soldier fired a shot which led to his death. As many heard about the news of what happened, the question on the lip of many Nigerians was, “Why will someone that is suffering because of poor leadership choose to die for politicians whose children are enjoying the comfort of Europe”? Another colleague of mine who summoned the courage to serve as a presiding officer also shared his experience with me. He said after accrediting about 89 voters using the Bvas, some thugs asked him to inflate the figures to about 200 in favor of a leading political party to which he initially objected. When he sensed his life was at stake, he heeded their bidding by changing the figures on a temporary sheet. He, however, discarded the fake result and reported the authentic result to the INEC officials at the collation center where there was safety. He even told me that a serving senator set aside his security aides so they don’t interfere with his mission and recruited some local thugs during his movement from one polling unit to the other. History of political thuggery in Nigeria During the colonial era, the political climate of the country was peaceful because key decision-making was done by our colonial masters. Things however changed after we got our independence in 1960. By 1962, thuggery began to manifest when the political crisis that rocked Action Group (a dominant political party in Western Nigeria) was publicized. The rift which was actually between Obafemi Awolowo and Samuel Akintola made many members of the party pitch tents against each other. As the situation aggravated, Akintola left the party to form a new regional party called NNDP. This move led to the wanton destruction of lives and properties by the warring factions till the Federal government declared a state of emergency. After the conduction of the 1964 Federal elections and the 1965 regional elections, the Akintolas party was accused of rigging. This motivated thugs to take advantage of the protest and cause pandemonium in the region. While this was going on, a group of political thugs in the North known as yan akusa was being used by the Northern people’s congress to check the winning streak of the Northern Elements Progressive Union. Since then, the act has continued to gain ground with each passing republic cycle because of the decision of the political class to prioritize it for election manipulation. During the 2011 elections, crises also erupted in Northern Nigeria when thugs took advantage of the protest against the presidential election to cause a commotion. Causes of political thuggery *Poor value system: The value system of society is gradually being eroded because of the overemphasis on money. People no longer care about the source of one’s wealth but are concerned if such an individual has money. This attitude stimulates youths to engage in thuggery to amass wealth from politicians. *Poverty: The record shows that the majority of the people who engage in political thuggery come from poor backgrounds. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, about 82.9 million Nigerians lived on less than a dollar daily in

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

Climate Change And Nigeria’s Economic Development: A Letter To The Incoming President by Solomon Ekoja

/

                                                                              78 Shima Gyoh Street,                                                      Gboko,                                                               Benue State.                                                                            Incoming President, Federal Republic of Nigeria. Sir, CLIMATE CHANGE AND NIGERIA’S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT Let me start by congratulating you for the tremendous effort you put in during the campaign period to convince Nigerians about your desire to transform the nation. Your emergence as the president is proof of trust and a testament to the prophecy that “Nigeria will rise again from her slumber to take back her position as the giant of the black race”. Your Excellency, as a concerned youth in the grass root witnessing the travails of Nigerians, I wish to draw your attention to the issue of climate change and its effects on Nigeria’s economic development. According to the World Bank, climate change refers to the significant variation of weather conditions becoming for example warmer, wetter or drier- over several decades or longer. Economic development on the other hand refers to the process by which a nation improves the economic, political and social well-being of its people. Agriculture is one of the most important sectors in Nigeria because it employs over 60% of our citizens and contributes 35% to our GDP. In spite of these revelations, climate change poses a great threat to our economic stability and development. The recent flood across the country for instance led to the loss of thousands of hectares of rice farms and other crops. Statistics from the Federal Government reveal that about 2,504,095 people nationwide were affected. Out of this number, 1,302,589 were displaced, 2,407 were injured and about 603 lives were lost. For farmlands, 108392 hectares were partially damaged while 332327 hectares were damaged. Due to these damages, many businesses were shut leading to economic decline. Workers and professionals too who should have been productively engaged are wasting away in IDP camps. These losses will definitely reduce the income of many Nigerians, exacerbate food scarcity, increase the cost of living and push the country to divert funds that should have been used for developmental projects to import food. In recent times, the unpredictable rainfall patterns across the country have continued to disrupt the supply of electricity. With the economy, depending upon hydroelectricity to operate smoothly, the erratic supply of electricity is frustrating the economic development of the country. In Northern Nigeria, prolonged periods of drought and desertification affects the yield of crops, decreases livestock production, discourages people from working and also fuels wildfires while dust causes respiratory illness that causes deaths annually. This consequently leads to reduced productivity from the region. Nigeria’s wide biodiversity once contributed greatly to her GDP in the past but due to climate change, the reverse is the case presently. Security concerns have heightened over increased competition for natural resources because of climate change. For instance, the shrinkage of the Lake Chad and other water bodies that once provided water for cattle in the North stimulated the transhumance migration of herders towards the Southern part of the country. As they clashed with farmers, it gave rise to the farmer-herdsmen crisis that claimed the loss of lives and properties. Job opportunities that thrive upon good climatic conditions like fishing and beekeeping have decreased in recent times because of climate change. In the riverine areas for instance, many inhabitants depend upon fishing for livelihood but due to the shrinkage of water bodies and ocean heating, the unemployment rate in these areas has risen due to the loss of jobs. The consequent scarcity of labour leads to the mass migration of Nigerians to areas with higher economic fortunes. Climate change also increases the burden of diseases like malaria and cholera, thereby, stretching the limited resources available for the nation’s health sector. For instance, there is a multiplication of tsetse flies within the Southern part of the country. According to the World Health Organization, about 7000-10000 new cases of African trypanosomiasis is recorded annually. It, therefore, means these victims will be unproductive during their illness resulting in the loss of revenue for the country. The abnormal increase in temperature often makes sea water level rise beyond the banks to cause flooding and the death of aquatic organisms. Heat waves according to researches, makes plants like vegetables to misbehave during the production cycle. Tomato for instance contributes greatly to our GDP but due to excess heat because of climate change, the flowers wither and become brittle before falling off the plant. High temperature also impedes the activities of pollinators like bees and butterflies, which contribute greatly to food production yearly. With the average pollination temperature range between 60°F to 90°F, excess heat slows down pollination and makes plants produce deformed yields. For Nigeria to overcome the numerous challenges posed by climate change to the agricultural sector, which employs over 120 million Nigerians, breeders and agricultural scientists across our higher institutions of learning, should be supported to breed crops with the potential to tolerate droughts, resist the impact of flooding and withstand the negative impacts of climate change. Livestock shouldn’t be left out of the breeding programme. Tsetse fly-resistant animals should be bred to boost productivity and increase the nation’s GDP. Furthermore, there is need for dams to be built as reservoirs for excess water in regions where flood persists to

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

The Race To Aso Villa: Projections by Obi Trice Emeka

/

The 2023 election is shaping up to be the most competitive since the return of democracy in 1999 and for first the time, Nigeria is having a valid strong 3-man horse race that might end in a photo finish. The three candidates have what it takes to win the election. Regardless of who wins, motivational speakers will have a lot of lessons to draw from it. A victory for Atiku will speak on persistence, a Tinubu victory will teach long-term planning while Peter Obi will be on the powers of the citizens to make impossibilities possible I have read so many polls for the election predicting different winners. I agree and disagree with some of the contents in the poll. I have gone ahead to conduct my poll, sampling my friends in different states and using my understanding of Nigerian politics. Here is my analysis Runoff I have read many analysts’ project that the election is likely to go to a runoff. Section 134 of the Nigerian constitution spells out the ground for a runoff. For a candidate to win at the presidential poll he or she must score 25% of votes in 24 states. The only candidate I had fears that he might not be capable of winning 1/4 of the votes in 24 states was Peter Obi. But his recent foray into the North Central and also into Christian communities in North East is aimed at eliminating that disadvantage. The candidate of the APC and the PDP will have no problem with getting 25%. Atiku will get 25% in all SS states and also in the 19 northern states. Tinubu will get 25% in SW and all 19 northern states. Once any candidates get 25% of the votes cast in 24 states and get the highest single vote, that candidate is declared the winner. Atiku’s path to victory Atiku has concentrated his election strategy in the north. His strategy is simple: get the bulk votes of Northern Nigeria and grab whatever he can from the South to emerge the winner. Atiku is competing fiercely in the Northwest and may likely win that zone. In the NE he is likely to win Taraba and Adamawa and have a fierce battle with the APC in Bauchi. In the North West, he is being tipped to win Kaduna but will be locked in a fierce battle with the APC in most of the states in North West. In North Central, the only state he might win is Niger state. He will do poorly in the South East. I do not expect him or any candidate to get 25% in the SE. He will also do poorly in the SW except for Osun state. He will not get 25% in all SW states except Osun and Oyo. Atiku will do well in the South-South which is a traditional zone of the PDP. If the South-South turns up for him and he gets the bulk of votes in the North as envisaged then he is on his way to becoming the president of Nigeria Ahmed Bola Tinubu’s path to victory All Tinubu needs to win the 2023 election is to maintain the same path of victory that has worked well for the APC since 2015. Get the chunk of votes in the North West and North East and consolidate with votes from South West. The only problem is that Atiku is driving a northern agenda making victory in the north much more difficult. The obedient movement appears to be strong in the southwest. However, Tinubu is expected to win South West with about 55%. He needs to win by 70-75% to cover up for losses in other zones. He will win all Southwestern states with no problem except for Lagos where he might lose or marginally win. He is expected to do well in North Central, winning Kogi and Kwara. He will come second in Benue and Plateau and will compete to win in Nassarawa and Niger. In the North East, he will take Borno and Yobe with not much stress, and compete fiercely in Bauchi. Gombe and Taraba will be anyone’s game. In the South-South, he will get 25% in Delta, Edo, Bayelsa, Rivers, and Cross Rivers. In the South East, he will not get anything significant. Peter Obi’s path to Victory. For Peter Obi to stand a chance of winning he has to follow the GEJ 2011 strategy; win comprehensively in the South and take whatever he can from the North. However, this will be a difficult task. The southwest is already taken by Tinubu making it a compulsion that he must win the South-South convincingly to stand a chance. The old PDP war horses in the South-South may throw up a surprise. While Peter is expected to win the South East by 95%, he needs to win the South-South by 60% to make the victory in SE count in numbers. Peter is also expected to win Benue and Plateau. He will do well in Nassarawa and will win FCT. However, he is yet to crack North West and the North East. He might get 25% in Kaduna. This is the best I think he can go in North West. In the North East, he has Taraba and Gombe to hope on due to their strong Christian population but I don’t know how far it will go as the other two candidates are expected to do well in the two states. Despite Adamawa having a large Christian population, I expect Atiku to triumph there even within the Christian population. I expect Obi to win Lagos or if he is to lose, marginally Kwankwaso factor Kwankwaso can’t get 25% of the votes cast in 24 states. I am certain that he will not get 25% in any southern state. However, he will win Kano and ensure neither Atiku nor Tinubu gets the Buhari figures in the North West. Traditional Structure v New Structure For years, I have been an advocate of

Blog, Opinion Articles

Why Embarrass Chimamanda?

/

  I saved this photo of Chief Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie since the day she was confered with the chieftaincy title, Odeluwa Abba. I had since wanted to add my voice to the eulogies but merely writing “Congratulations Ichie Odeluwa nke mbu n’ Abba” would have been lame and as you know, “I don’t do regular”. Infact, aunty Chi wouldn’t forgive me if I only wrote that. I know! So this morning, an article I shared on Facebook exactly two years ago popped up on my timeline and as I read through, my creative juice started popping sweetly. I wrote the article in question shortly after Chimamanda revealed why she stopped attending the Catholic Church in Nigeria. She cited too much fundraising and money talk as her reason. And truly, not a few of us are on that very table. But na suffering and smiling tins. For speaking up for us though, the parish priest at her village church did the unthinkable. On the solemn occasion of her late mother’s outing service, the priest stood on the altar and thoroughly embarrassed the globally acclaimed author before the entire congregation for daring to speak her truth. “O gwakasili ya aru, eziokwu”. But, WHY EMBARRASS CHIMAMANDA when all she did was be the voice of average people who sometimes go hungry because they emptied their pockets in church? For real life reference, my neighbor in church once cried out over frequent calls for offering in a hilarious yet thought provoking manner. He said, “ndi uka sef, unu ga eji uzo di iche iche kapucha mmadu ego niile di ya n’akpa”. Smiling, he displayed the remaining two N500 notes left with him as the church warden approached to collect money. “I think it’s better not to come to church with cash anymore,” the man told the church warden. “We also have POS”, the church warden responded smiling. Both men laughed it off. Sadly, it’s the same pattern in most churches. Personally, I came to a point where I am never under compulsion to give neither do I give grudgingly just to save face. Which face am I saving? The person who’s unashamedly forcing another to give should take the shame, not me for Pete’s sake. Ah ah! The last time a lady tried it with me, I made sure that she will never try it again. Must I buy harvest magazine just because they gave you a target? No, it’s your problem and not mine. What really irked me was the way she made it seem like her right saying, “but it’s just N500”. “Aunty, you are a banker na. Pay for it and distribute to us free of charge then.” Well, the church reserves the right to announce needs and sell stuff but compelling people to comply is unholy. The force element must not be inferred or expressed. For all that she went through just to speak up for us on this matter, Chimamanda deserves the additional title of ‘Okwuluwa’. Shine on, nnukwu Ada Anambra. Congratulations Ichie Odeluwa nke mbu n’ Abba. ~Ify Aronu-Okafor

Blog, Opinion Articles, Writers

National Identity And Pride: An Intense Scrutiny by Chukwuemeka Oluka

/

If an “Emeka” who is born in Lagos, grew up in Lagos and had never lived in the South-East throughout his life claims the Igbo identity for instance, it’s not necessarily out of love, but out of necessity. The system has made it so because, it’s only by claiming that (ethnic) identity can he get a ministerial slot in the Federal Executive Council (FEC) for instance. But the Nigerian (national) identity does not yet offer concrete benefit and pride to him alongside other Nigerian citizens. The opening paragraph captures the disposition of many Nigerians about national identity and pride. It would go on to set the tone for this essay. The essay explores the concept of national identity and pride in a multi-faceted society recently facing protracted armed struggle and key developmental issues. It explores the extent to which historical antecedents and political developments have shaped notions of national pride and identity amongst Nigerians. The essay argues that, despite the odds, weaving a narrative to inspire a national pride and identity in the face of a seemingly topsy-turvy present-day Nigeria is possible. By the way, what really is National Identity and Pride? It refers to the sense of belonging one has to a nation – say Nigeria, or the sense of solidarity one feels with a group about a nation regardless of one’s actual background or citizenship status. The expression of one’s national identity seen in a positive light is patriotism which is characterized by national pride and positive emotion of love for one’s country.[1] Elements of National Identity include the national anthem, working for the success of the nation, respecting national symbols and so on. A closer look at these elements gives a reflection of how Nigerian citizens see the concept of National Identity and pride. Take the national anthem for instance; how many people still feel goose bumps whenever the trumpets herald the “Arise, O compatriots…?” How many still stand at attention while caressing their breasts or foreheads to the rhythmic chords the melody and harmony strike whenever the anthem hits the airwaves? How many citizens still remember the first and second stanzas of our national anthem?  Not many souls anymore. How many citizens are ready to shed their blood defending the integrity of the country? How many of our politicians really work for the success of the nation? Do we hold and see our national symbols like the national flag and coat of arms as totemic symbols that inspire some level of national pride in us anymore? Yet, National identity not only enhances physical security; it is built to inspire good governance, economic development, citizens’ trust, engender support for strong social safety nets, and ultimately make liberal democracy itself [2]. Can these be said to be obtainable in Nigeria today? Can citizens draw some level of pride from what National identity ideally promises? Well… Your guess is as good as the writer’s. How then did we get here, one may ask? This is partly historical, and partly a result of continuous bad governance structures and corruption. The writer blames colonial masters heavily for not prioritizing developing the country. The effect is that the independence of emergent Nigeria, lacked needed depth and couldn’t attain sustainable development. Also, many emergent Nigerian leaders continued with the exploitative socio-political and economic arrangements they inherited at independence – a case of neo-colonialism. This becomes the precursor of the leadership crisis Nigeria experience today. Yet, the process through which our leaders emerge in office also takes some blame. Such processes are mostly marred by irregularities and imposition of leaders lacking ideologies, vision, and selflessness. There is no gainsaying, therefore, that Nigeria desperately needs good leadership to surmount its governance challenges in other to assume its role and pride of place in the global continent. What we thus have today is a Nigeria and a national identity that mean different things to many ethnic nationalities in the country. With the collapse of public education, characterized by long years of neglect occasioned by corruption, citizens are more or less left to depend on private education. Healthcare is inaccessible, and in a state of comatose. Even the number one citizen of Nigeria lacks confidence in the country’s health care system; reason he goes to Britain on medical tourism at the expense of tax-payers’ money rather than invest in the countries health infrastructure. How then do Nigerians identify with a poorly functioning state? A look at the Nigerian Coat of Arms, the motto reads, “Unity and faith, peace and progress.” Are we really united? Do citizens still have faith in the progress of the country? Is there peace in the land? Today, the country continues to battle several security challenges, including but not limited to insurgency in the North-East, banditry in the North-West, Farmer-herders’ crises in the North-Central, agitations of cessation in the South-East and South-West plus militancy in the South-South. All these pointing to a dysfunctional and chequered national identity devoid of any level of pride. With the challenges of living in Nigeria, it becomes absolutely difficult for citizens with no access to basic infrastructure and services to feel a sense of National identity and pride. So, things appear to have fallen apart and the center seemingly cannot hold anymore. This captures exactly what could happen if we continue along this trajectory, neglecting the impact national identity and pride can make in mending cracks and broken walls. The question now becomes; can a national narrative and identity be weaved in the face of a seemingly fallen apart nation? Can some level of pride be restored? Absolutely, it can! But note; such narrative(s) must be weaved outside the political class. Since politicians follow the trend rather than set the trend, they are not really change agents because their ultimate interests lie in winning elections. So, often times, when radical change is needed, it has to come from society itself. When citizens start demanding more from the political system, then, the politicians will begin to react. The

Join our essay competition.

This will close in 13 seconds

Solverwp- WordPress Theme and Plugin

Scroll to Top