democracy Archives -

The Capitol Siege and Nigeria’s Democracy by Aaron Livingstone.

Cmoni / January 13, 2021

“In saner climes, such can’t happen.” That is the cliché of many who have viewed the Western world as models, worthy of emulation. It would be right to say so, as they’ve seen a much stable government and have experienced stable democracy for very long terms. It is no doubt that the Trump administration has come and had its days of glory and also shame. Achieved great successes but let’s not forget to mention that there were failures as well. It’s been more than three years of Donald J. Trump’s presidency and we’re counting days to a new administration, but for the world’s strongest nation, I must beg to say that the US Democracy is under siege. Of course, when any African nation, Nigeria inclusive is to hold an election, it is a normal trend to receive election observers from the United States, the European Union, the United Nations and other concerned, world leading organisations. The duty of these observers and election monitors is to ensure there is a free, fair and violence free election. Usually, they assess the elections and write reports on how it went. Post-election sanctions on electoral defaulters are usually dreaded by even Nigerian politicians and electoral officials. From Visa ban to economic sanctions and even revoking of diplomatic passports, the United States has been known to be a major voice in enforcing strict adherence to free, fair and violence-free elections. But, what happens when a first world country, the strongest nation in the world defaults on its own terms? First, it was the President’s claim that the system of voting that has been adopted for the 2020 elections will be rigged. He needed support to change the voting system, but he didn’t get that. Well, just like he had predicted, there was massive voter fraud. But, one thing about the US judicial system is that it gives judgments based on proven facts. That was one thing the President didn’t have. He couldn’t substantiate his claims, rather kept on inciting hate and malicious behaviours in his followers. But actually, the US has not seen a more active President in all her years of democracy. He used his social media platforms to promote his ideas and garnered sufficient support for himself. I will not be sharing my opinions on why he lost the elections. That is my personal ideology and would not want to bore you with them. However, the post-election drama is something Africa must learn from. Questions have risen, as to whether the US is only degenerating into the kind of the third world countries’ democracy. It would seem fair to put the blame on Africa, as post-election violence is only synonymous with Africans. But I beg to differ on this. We all are humans and it is very humanly to get used to clinching to power. Power is intoxicating and one could easily get stupidly blinded by it. Nigeria, Africa and the world would never forget the man, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, who bowed out of office after his mandate was visibly stolen. He exemplified the patriotism and showed us what true Democracy is. Becoming a hero might seem difficult most times, as it usually requires accomplishing an outstanding feat, and these things are not easy to come by. But Dr Jonathan became a hero by a singular act of conceding defeat. He understands statesmanship and Democracy. The Trump Error Every President gets the opportunity to serve for four years and can run for office and if re-elected will serve another four years. Conceding defeat would have seemed cowardly, but that actually reveals great strength. President Trump, never for a single moment conceded defeat, which is actually the first of its kind in the history of Democracy in the United States of America. He probably thought he had all it takes to upturn the election to his favour. But, the US would never let anyone, not even the President make a mockery of her Democracy in the face of the world. So, there was basically nothing Mr Trump could do that would earn him the second tenure. He lost the election and that was it. Maybe he is not power drunk, but his actions spoke very differently. His rally held on the 6th of January 2021, definitely spurred some rancour that led to the invasion of America’s sacred temple of Democracy, Capitol Hill. It put Democracy under siege; it was a direct attack, an affront on the Government of the people, by the people and for the People. Now, what would one do when the US fails on her electoral values? What happens when there is post-election violence in the United States? Who should sanction the US and those responsible for it? What would Africa do, now that the seeming perfect Democracy has now failed? Nigeria in Africa and Our Democracy These recent events in the United States simply show that every country has personal challenges and shortcomings. There is no “saner clime” anywhere, but what makes the difference is the way we respond to the situations we are faced with. I must say that the current situation in the United States is an opportunity for Nigeria to rise as the Giant of Africa and ensure we are a perfect example in subsequent elections. We now have a chance to prove that we can get it right. The façade that there are saner democracies is now over. Arwa Damon of the CNN said, “The concepts on which we have built our societies are fragile, more so than many of us want to accept. Let’s not look at nations whose people are fighting and striving for democracy with moral superiority.” Yes, no more should Africa be seen as a lesser Democracy. The struggle for Democracy is real and we all keep at it, till we can get it right. Dr Jonathan got it right. I know Nigeria will get it right. We are the “saner climes,” we are the “saner Democracies.” Aaron

Essays, Writers

The 2020 Edo Gubernatorial Polls: Intrigues And Lessons Learnt by Chukwuemeka Oluka.

Cmoni / January 4, 2021

Call it a democratic soap opera or a premium box office, the fact remains that the just concluded 2020 gubernatorial elections in Edo state had everything expected from the yearnings for political power and relevance in Nigeria. From the intrigues of defections, to the makings and unmaking of political godfathers; from the creation of strong brotherhoods, to the battle cry of strong men from the geopolitical compasses of the country. You cannot but agree that the Edo polls lived up to its billings. As it turned out, incumbent Governor, Godwin Obaseki emerged victorious. He garnered 307, 955 votes and won with a margin of 84, 336. His main challenger, Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu of the All Progressives Congress (APC) scored 223, 619 votes. Governor Obaseki had defected from the ruling party, APC to the opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to enable him seek a second term in office after he was rejected by powerful forces in the APC. The campaign against him was spearheaded by Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, the same man he served as economic strategist and who in 2016 sold him to the people of Edo State as the best thing that ever happened to them. It was even speculated that voters would stay away from the polling stations, out of fear and anxiety. This was so because, before the election proper, campaign rhetoric was full of nervous energy and hate speech dominated political discussions. The people had every reason to be afraid. But in all, the Edo state governorship election have come and gone, leaving in its trail, a blend of bitter and sweet experiences and lessons that has been learnt already. What Goes Around Comes Around… Top on the lessons learnt is that the consequences of one’s actions will have to be dealt with eventually. This gives credence to the saying, ‘what goes around comes around’. In other words, one should not mistreat others. Borrowing a leaf from this expression, it becomes expedient to caution that the political class, particularly the gladiators, should be cautious of how the image of their political opponent is being tarnished all in the name of de-marketing him or her before the electorates ahead of any election. They must learn to imbibe maturity, decorum and self-restrain in the pursuit of their political interests. The practice where most Nigerian politicians indulge in character assassination and campaigns of defamation against one another should be discouraged. This is because; they tend to forget that when their interests change direction, the same bad utterances and damaging condemnations will turn around to haunt them. The then national working committee of the APC mistreated Governor Obaseki when he needed them most; now the party has eventually been punished by the electorate with their votes for the ill-treatment meted on Obaseki. It is against this backdrop that one can say that a salient lesson has been learnt. A Two-Party System Looms Another lesson is that Nigeria is gradually heading to a two-party system. There were 14 political parties in the September 19th election, but it was basically a two-way horse race between the PDP and the APC. It was as if all the other 12 political parties never existed. Their votes taken together did not quite amount to 10, 000. More so, the multi-party political system we claim to practice appears to be a mirage that makes mockery of our constitution. Worse still, the two-party systems are totally bereft of ideology, internal democratic values or integrity. This is because, the events leading up to the election in Edo State has been the case in most other polls in Nigeria over the last 21 years of our democratic experimentation. This indeed should be of serious concern to Nigerians. Disrespect for the Nigerian Electorate Meanwhile, the Edo 2020 elections have clearly exposed our political parties as groups that are lacking clear cut ideologies and direction. The way and manner the same political parties that were daggers drawn against each other in the previous 2016 Edo elections, suddenly exchanged candidates as if there were mere articles of trade, shows the level of disrespect the political class have for the Nigerian electorate. Politicians on their part no longer attempt or even pretend to demonstrate a sense of integrity or an ability to stand by their own words. A Lesson on the Part of the Ruling Party It is shocking to learn that a political party which is leading the country, and has the president in its ranks, was unable to settle an interpersonal dispute between two individuals – a governor and the chairman of the party. This resulted in the eventual loss of its grip in a pivotal state in the country. Meanwhile, this party is supposed to and does actually choose the ministers, ambassadors and security officials that engage in negotiations on behalf of the country and as well, saddled with addressing the intricate socio-cultural, political and economic challenges of a country like Nigeria. Yet, the hierarchy of the ruling party was unable to see the bigger picture. This should call for a serious cause for concern because the red flag it raises doesn’t speak well of how well the ruling APC have managed both the economic and internal security challenges in the country. An End to ‘Godfatherism’ In the run-up to the election, Governor Obaseki had stated severally that his victory will mark the end to political god fathers in the state and ultimately, the country. True to it, his victory was able to serve as a loud lesson that power belongs only to God; and that He confers such powers through the people, meaning that no matter how an individual strives to lord it over others, the will of God through the people, will always prevail. Yes, ‘God-win’ prevailed. Lessons for Other Post Covid-19 Elections The Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC had in the build up to the election, insisted that voters should observe COVID-19 protocols. Though many voters wore face masks, quite alright, INEC was totally incapable of enforcing physical and social distancing. This is because there were widespread reports of lack of compliance with voting guidelines and covid-19 protocols in the just concluded Edo polls. That becomes a major setback and nobody should be surprised if there is a sudden spike in COVID-19 cases in Edo state after the election. Therefore, it becomes instructive that officials of the Commission in charge of communications and voter education should learn to do enough work in subsequent elections to ensure physical distancing, wearing of face masks and total compliance with other Covid-19 protocols. In conclusion, there is no gainsaying that, the September 19th Edo gubernatorial election came and passed with relative peace. This says much about Nigerian politics and democratic advancement, given the tension that preceded the polls. Indeed, the big take

Essays, Writers

2020 Edo State Election: The Future Of Democracy In Nigeria by Osanyinro Oluwaseun.

Cmoni / September 25, 2020

The wise men who quietly watched the happenings during the Edo State election should have their books full of lessons learned and unlearned. For once again, they have a sneak peek into the future of democracy in Nigeria. A future where its citizens truly hold the ruling power and their voices are heard. With various foretelling of violence, rigging, bloodshed and election misconduct, the Edo State election was a rather peaceful one though only about 25.2% registered voters came out to vote. A thin line above making the election void. Also, it could be attributed to the recent pandemic COVID ’19 as though some of the guidelines were followed like use of face masks, there was little or no social distancing. Held on the 19th of September, 2020, the governorship election became a battle between two great parties: People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC). Though other parties were present, it was as if they were not existing as their votes when collated together were not up to 10,000. It was also heard that one of the gubernatorial aspirants did not bother to leave her residential house in Lagos. With results announced, the incumbent governor, Obaseki Godwin who switched party from APC to PDP emerged as the victor with 307,955 votes over Pastor Osagie’s 223,619 votes who crossed from PDP to APC. Governor Godwin is the second to win election on two different political platforms in four years. Here are few lessons learned from Edo State election: Nigerians votepersons not parties. It was quite a shock that two electoral parties exchanged governorship aspirants. APC which was the present ruling party discarded the incumbent governor and picked up his opponent Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu for reasons best known to them. Seeing this transfer, PDP decided to pick up the rejected stone, maximize their advantage which was the sentiments of the citizens and so the stone that the builders rejected became the chief cornerstone. The Citizens of Edo State wanted their governor back not a particular party. 2. Godfatherism has come to an end. The final hit that nailed Pastor Osagie’s defeat was the influence of godfathers. The former governor Adams Oshiomole who in 2016 spoke strongly against godfatherism immediately changed his speech in 2020. He condemned the very aspirant he praised in 2016 and praised the very aspirant he condemned in 2016. With every fiber of overconfidence, he told the people of Edo State the benefits of a godfather and foretold that Pastor Osagie will win. Also, Asiwaju Bola Tinubi, the godfather in APC, made an appearance all the way from Lagos. The Citizens of Edo State decided to go by their choice and not by the confusion Oshiomole wanted to set in hence the chant “Edo no be Lagos” and “Obaseki no be Ambode“. Of course, you can fool all the people some of the time, you can fool some people all of the time but you cannot fool all the people all of the time. Edo State citizens wanted no external influence and they had their way. Foreign travels and foreign assets are more valuable. The press release by the United States and United Kingdom few days to the election might have curtailed the plans by political personalities to rig the election. The two world powers declared restriction of visa and assets cessation of Nigerian electoral offenders. The U.S had already imposed restrictions on the visas of politicians who were found guilty of electoral offences in the 2019 elections of Kogi and Bayelsa States. Politicians did not want to be stuck in Nigeria and would still love to travel on sick leave. Also, the assets built in foreign lands cannot waste simply because of an election in Nigeria. A lot of them took their hands off the election process and watched from their homes. PDP might win the 2023 presidential election. It could be because PDP has allowed Nigerians to see what the opposition party has to offer for about 8 years which might be nothing. It could also be Nigerians are fed up with the party itself and want another party. The free and fair election in Edo State showed the mind of the people: they are tired of APC. They might still want the incumbent governor but they want to be the deciding factor and not some godfathers from Lagos. One should not be surprised, if given a free and fair election come 2023, the People’s Democratic Party might take over. To say the horse race between the two parties is over is to conclude too early. While other parties are present, no doubt, PDP and APC would again be at loggerheads to win Ondo State governorship election set to hold on the 10th of October, 2020. Wise men would once again open their books and pick up their pens. Seeing the seamless victory won, Ondo State citizens may follow the lead of their neighbors. It would be a very wise decision if the godfathers would refrain from showing their faces in Ondo State and politicians would avoid rigging of elections. Nigerians have their voices once again. Osanyinro Oluwaseun, a graduate of Microbiology and currently a master student of Public Health at the University of Ibadan runs a blog on WordPress deejemima.wordpress.com

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Democracy Wins As Edo People Speak With One Vote by Oyinola Abosede.

Cmoni / September 25, 2020

Since the news broke that the incumbent governor of Edo State won the gubernatorial election that was held in the State on September 19, 2020. I must confess that it has been celebration galore on the streets of Benin City and other places. Even though many Nigerians were anxious to get a glimpse on how the election would look like. Some pundits who had predicted the outcome of the Gubernatorial election in Edo State got it all wrong. While many others predicted that the election would end up as war, or a do -or die affair. But quite amazing that this didn’t happen. Let us be clear, Nigerians desire genuine democracy. That was the major point to take away from Saturday’s Edo State gubernatorial poll. I strongly believe it’s not just about the outcome, but more about the fidelity of the process. After all is said and done, the much-hyped election particularly the media celebration of the fear of possible blood-letting, the exercise presented an anti-climax. You will agree with me that Heaven did not fall that day, Instead Edo State voters lined up peacefully and comported themselves, as they patiently waited to exercise their franchise. 1 Just like most people will say, Edo has really shown that it is not Lagos. The people of Edo State were vigilant, resilient and stood boldly against oppression, injustice and any influence of Godfather. Then I remembered a lecturer once told me that “Sometimes we learn the lessons of life through pain, melancholy and the vicissitudes of life and sometimes we also learn the lessons of life through joy and comfort. Whatever the case may be, the most important thing is the great lesson we learn out of what life teaches us. If we fail to learn the lessons greatly, life will teach us a great lesson.” Today, these words have sharpened my views and perspectives about life. Lessons from Edo State Gubernatorial Election I am a firm believer that the Edo election may prove well to be a turning point in the management of elections in Nigeria. Against the foregoing backdrop, I stand and dare to say that it is not an exaggeration that several lessons have been learnt (indelible and worthy lessons) from the gubernatorial election.2 It was in every sense, a rude awakening for both the actors in the drama and the community of observers who witnessed and monitored the election. These lessons are made mentioned below: Democracy is Moving to its Permanent Site Democracy has been understood to be a form of government where the people choose their leaders and are allowed to voice their opinions on issues. I’m sure you will agree with me that it’s quite a beautiful concept. I have no dispute that the recently conducted Edo State Election has given us indicia into the times that democracy is getting better in the Nigerian polity. The number of people who really participated in the Edo State election is no doubt big indicia that the people are now getting conscious of their rights and civic duties under a democratic system as Nigeria practices. No doubt, with the way things have turned out in this Edo Election, I am very sure that other states will have the same motive and desire to churn out massive people to participate in their respective electoral processes. However, for this stride to keep being as it is and getting better, the security of voters must be guaranteed by the government. Else, nobody will be willing to go vote when he is not sure of returning home. No Political Landlords or Godfathers The truth is that government belongs to the people and not some persons. I strongly believe any ideology about the political philosophy of any Godfather is a disgraceful concept and very unprogressive. This is because it promotes the will of the few rather than the will of the people. Also, it places the people second, instead of first. I believe it must be condemned out-rightly because it cannot make democracy flourish. Other states where the belief of Godfather is thriving, must learn from the great people of Edo who have set the pace and led the nation in this stride. In any democratic society, I believe there should be no political landlords, only the political will of the electorates. In addition to this, the governor or leader should be accountable to the people only, not to a Godfather that is an antithesis of this. We Vote Individuals Not Political Parties No doubt, a political party may have a strong influence in leadership and governance in an election, especially in our country. But the reality is that a leader with his strong will and tenacity determines the progress of the people. However, from the Edo State gubernatorial election held, it was glaring that it is the individual and not the political party that matters.3 Consequently, political parties must henceforth learn to present credible candidates in order to win the people’s votes. It is Possible to Conduct Free and Fair Election In spite of what I call the “stomach infrastructure” phenomenon, what the Edo State election taught us is that we can conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria if only we play by the rules. It is no longer news that violence related events such as ballot box snatching and the use of fire arms are usually sponsored by politicians who want to win at all cost. There are some politicians who do not have a first job to which they can return, this explains the desperation to win elections. Even if it means eliminating their opponents and positioning themselves strongly to have access to power and influence. I admonish every eligible voter to take responsibility and refuse to be recruited by politicians to cause mayhem during elections. I believe vigilance should be the watchword to tackle diversion of voting materials, ballot box snatching or any attempt to bribe electoral officials. Vote buying and selling is anti-democracy as it gives false results of the electoral processes. You and I can only wish for a better Nigeria where vote buying and selling is completely eradicated. The will of the Edo State people prevailed at the gubernatorial election last Saturday. However, this is an important characteristic for future elections in Nigeria as we look forward to conducting more in our nation. The Big Picture I celebrate the resilience and courage exhibited by the people of Edo state in resisting the antics of the enemies of democracy, who as beguilers and patrons of lions and tigers attempted to take over the political space of Edo state. This victory as won by the people is historic and serves as a strong, viable and unambiguous lesson to leaders. Also, I salute the Edo people for helping to reset the political culture of our nation by casting their votes, protecting their votes, ensuring that their votes counted and following their votes “bumper-to-bumper” even to the final point of declaration. What is Next? I believe the time has come for His Excellency to display love, affection and to unite all Edo people at home and abroad. Also, this is an auspicious moment for him to rise above the fray, eschew politics of bitterness and act as a statesman. Now is the time to consolidate his achievements because

Blog, Essays

Can Kagame be ‘unAfrican’ in 2024?

Cmoni / April 14, 2019

“Africa should not just wait to be exploited or influenced. No. We should be part of the conversation. We should raise ourselves to a level where there are certain terms we dictate in the conversation because we have a lot to offer” ~Paul Kagame Undoubtedly Rwanda has come to be a unique nation. The tiny East African country with a population of just over 11 million people is not unique because of the 1994 genocide but because it has somehow managed to rise from that horrific bloodletting to become one of Africa’s fastest-growing economies and a global model of economic development. All thanks to the purposeful and visionary leadership of one man; Paul Kagame. But as the world remembers the genocide we should not lose sight of the fact that the man who is at the helm has been in office for almost two decades. As a matter of fact, it is about a quarter of a century because while serving as the Vice President he was widely regarded as the de facto president by many during the six years that preceded his ascension to the throne. But that is not all, let us ponder some of the similarities between the Rwandan leader and other African leaders we would like to see their backs. A protege of Museveni, Kagame was a military leader before transforming into the civilian president of his country. And perhaps with the exception of Cameroon’s Paul Biya most of Africa’s ‘sit tight’ leaders like Idris Deby (Chad), Mbasogo (E.Guinea) and Nguesso(Congo) to name just a few equally have a military background. They are usually men of means who are no stranger to violence, mutinies and coups which are synonymous with power in Africa. He is tied to the apron of the western powers. For example, In 2017 he was given a big stage in Washington DC during the World Bank/IMF Annual Meeting where he sat cross-legged beside World Bank President Jim Yong Kim while he was showered with encomiums as the democratic leader who is transforming Rwanda from the ruins of genocide to a tourism paradise. Well, unfortunately, this is also the case with many long-ruling African leaders, they remain a darling of the west until they dare to untie themselves or their nations from those apron strings. The Rwandan President is intolerant. He has a record of suppressing any form of dissent. His administration has been characterised by a chronology of disappearances, politically motivated arrests, unlawful incarceration and murders, especially of perceived government opponents including journalists. The two female presidential aspirants who dared to form a movement with the semblance of opposition were severely dealt with. Victoire Ingabire was convicted for ‘inciting insurrection’ and served eight of a fifteen-year jail term before she was granted a presidential pardon just last year while 38-year-old accountant turned politician Diane Rwigara was detained and subsequently acquitted on similar trumped-up charges. Many see their ‘real’ crime as daring to contest for Kagame’s seat in 2010 and 2017 respectively. After winning a second term in office, Kagame who had earlier ruled out staying beyond the constitutional two-term limit was alleged to have surreptitiously engineered a referendum which necessitated a constitutional amendment and after some nimble political footwork in 2015, the nation’s parliament passed a law reducing the original two 7-year term limit to two 5-year terms. But here is the real sauce of the gist; Not only was Kagame allowed to contest for a third 7- year term, he was also granted a preposterous exception to seek two further 5-year terms if he so wishes thereby creating the possibility of him remaining in power till 2034! Again, this is also an age long strategy that was successfully deployed by dictators like Mugabe, Museveni and Nkurunziza. However, it must be said that while the aforementioned leaders subverted democracy at the cost of violence and protests in which lives were lost, there was not much contestation in Rwanda where the petition that devised the potentiality of Kagame becoming a ‘life president’ was reportedly opposed by only 10 people. Indeed Kagame is the most popular person in Rwanda. He always won elections by no less than 90% of the votes and in 2017 he won by 99%. One is therefore left to query the manner of people that queue behind one person. Is Kagame the wisest, smartest, brightest person in Rwanda? Isn’t there any other capable of leading Rwanda? How is it that the intelligentsia has largely remained mute while one man continues to ride roughshod over 11 million people? And if democracy thrives on vibrant opposition can Rwanda really be described as one? The trick is often to have a rubber stamp parliament, a largely owned state media and most importantly a privileged military that is willing to back the king so long as their bread remains buttered. Once these are achieved the task of whipping the masses in line through ‘fear or favour’ becomes a no brainer and legitimacy can easily be bought on the global stage by photo ops with western leaders who fete African tyrants for economic gains. Whereas it will take only a blind person to dispute the achievements of Paul Kagame for his people it will equally require same to ignore the concreteness of the allegations of abuses and impunity. His stewardship must be examined within its full context to arrive at a fair verdict. So as global tributes pour in for Kwibuka @ 25 the man who has as many enemies as he has friends, especially in a conflict-ridden region where he spent considerable time on the other side will also need some personal reflections. It will do the former rebel a lot of good to begin the search for a successor. Extending his reign beyond the current third term may be legal but it is still a gamble given that five years is a very long time in politics. And in a milieu where western influence is being whittled across Africa leaders like Mugabe,

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African leaders are more constrained by democratic rules than you think

Cmoni / July 17, 2018

Africa is often imagined to be a place in which presidents can do whatever they want, unencumbered by constitutional or democratic constraints. A large body of literature has developed around the idea that the law can be flouted at will, leading to a situation in which what really matters is the personality of the president, not the rules of the game. The implications of this way of understanding the continent are profound not just for how we think about Africa, but also for how we study it. If democratic institutions don’t constrain leaders, there is no point in researching them. Instead we should spend all of our time looking at informal processes such as ethnicity and patrimonialism. But, although this image is often repeated within policy circles and the media, it is wrong. A new book I edited, Democracy and Institutions in Africa, argues that approaching the continent in this way creates a deeply misleading picture of politics that underestimates the potential for democratisation. In other words, if we want to understand democracy in Africa, we need to take the official rules of the game more seriously. The book covers a wide range of institutions, including political parties, legislatures, constitutions and judiciaries. As a taster, here are three important ways in which democratic rules constrain African leaders more than you might think. Holding elections promotes democracy It’s often said that Africa features elections without change. But repeatedly holding elections not only creates opportunities for the opposition to compete for power. It also promotes democratic consolidation. Looking at all elections held in Africa since the early 1990s, Carolien van Ham and Staffan Lindberg find that as long as a minimum threshold of quality is met, holding elections increases the quality of civil liberties. This in turn creates greater opportunities for opposition parties to mobilise. That’s because elections have a number of democratising effects. These include training voters in democratic arts, encouraging coordination between opposition parties and increasing the pressure on ruling parties to reform the political process. This last happens for example by allowing for a more independent electoral commission. Repeatedly holding elections fosters new democratic openings that tend to make it more difficult for leaders to hold on to power in the long-run. Legislatures are tougher to manage than before The common depiction of African legislatures is that they are weak and feeble. They’re portrayed as “rubber stamp” institutions that can do little to hold governments to account. But this is not an accurate depiction of what happens in a number of countries where conflict between parliaments and presidents is becoming a more common. As Michaela Collord highlights, in recent years the Ugandan legislature has threatened a government shutdown over an unsatisfactory health budget. Tanzania’s parliament has also forced seven Cabinet reshuffles. South African MPs from the radical Economic Freedom Fighters party captivated TV audiences nationwide by repeatedly calling President Jacob Zuma a thief because he was accused of corruption. Significantly, parliaments are also beginning to play a role in some of the most important decisions. In both Nigeria and Zambia, it was the legislature that ultimately rejected efforts by sitting presidents to extend their time in office beyond constitutionally mandated limits. Term-limits are starting to bite On the theme of term limits, pretty much the only time you will read about this particular institution in the media is when an African leader has changed the constitution to remove them. In the last 20 years this has happened in a number of countries including Burundi, Chad, Uganda and Rwanda. By contrast, when a president respects term limits and stands down, it goes largely unnoticed. This has created the misleading impression that African leaders can break the rules at will. The reality is that in most cases they can’t. Reviewing every country in Africa from 1990 to the present, Daniel Young and Daniel Posner find that term limits are twice as likely to be respected as broken. This is especially true for states that lack natural resources. Significantly, they also demonstrate that when one president respects term limits it creates a powerful precedent that subsequent rulers feel bound to follow. To date, there is not a single country in which a president has tried to outstay their welcome after their predecessor willingly stood down. The shape of things to come These examples are part of a broader trend. In 2015, a sitting civilian Nigerian president lost power to another civilian ruler for the first time. In 2016, the same thing happened in Ghana. In 2017, it was Gambia’s turn. Since then, Liberia and Sierra Leone have also seen opposition victories. From a few isolated examples in the early 1990s, almost half of the continent has now witnessed a transfer of power. Moreover, it is not only when it comes to elections that things are changing. In 2017 Kenyan became the first country in Africa – and only the third in the world – in which the election of a sitting president was nullified by the judiciary. In South Africa, President Jacob Zuma never lost a national election and the African National Congress continues to dominate parliament. But he was nonetheless forced to resign and leave power early by a combination of public hostility and the emergence of Cyril Ramaphosa as the party’s new leader. Of course, this does not mean that all presidents have to follow the rules, or that all of these institutions are starting to perform well. The continent features a remarkable variety of political systems and some of its states are on very different political trajectories. In more authoritarian contexts such as Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Rwanda and Zimbabwe, the quality of elections remains extremely poor; even when leaders suffer a setback they may be able to bounce back. But while the process of institutionalisation may be patchy and uneven, one thing is clear: Africa is not without institutions, and we will deeply misunderstand its politics unless we pay careful attention to the rules

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To make democracy safe in Nigeria by The Guardian

Cmoni / May 3, 2018

The Guardian interrogates the recent invasion of the Senate by hoodlums to cart away the mace in this editorial published on May 3, 2018. ..Read on ———————————————————————————————————————————— The invasion by hoodlums of the Senate chambers and the unlawful removal of the mace, while the house was in session, was a serious affront on the upper house, the whole legislative arm of government, and, in the widest implication, a threat to the entire democratic structure, process and purpose. It is a condemnable act. It is unacceptable. But beyond mere condemnation, the three-arm constituted government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria must identify the perpetrators of this outrageous act, detect their motive(s) and after due process, visit on the culprits the severest punishment allowed in law. For never again must this happen. This country must be made safe for democracy. There are indeed good reasons to view this act with the utmost seriousness. Firstly, the legislature is one of three institutions of a democratic system of government. To render it unsafe and unable – even for a moment – to function cannot but destabilize that institution in particular and the system in general. Secondly, in a nation governed by the rule of law, the legislature is the sole institution granted powers to make those laws. The extant constitution says that ‘the National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of the Federation or any part thereof…’ If the legislative arm of government is, in any way conceivable, intimidated, or rendered unsafe to perform its function, it is a direct threat to the rule of law, a toleration of lawlessness, an invitation to anarchy. This must not be; Nigeria has, at this time, enough acts of lawlessness to deal with. The forcible removal of the mace from the house in session is an attack on the democratic process. The mace, it needs to be said, is the symbol of the authority of the House to do just what the constitution charges and empowers it to do as provided in the relevant sections of the Constitution. In the American democracy from where Nigeria has borrowed its present system of government, the presence of the mace, how and where it is positioned in the chamber signify various meanings. The point here is that symbolically, a house session without the mace lacks authority and by implication decisions taken are invalid. The theft of the mace from the house is a willful act to disempower the house and render it ineffective. That constitutes an attack upon the stability of the polity. The ease with which hoodlums enter the grounds of the National assembly, the Senate chambers, and take away the mace indicate clearly that the security system is either terribly weak, or that it was compromised. Can this happen to the Congress of the United States, or the Parliament of the United Kingdom? As a possibility yes, but as a probability, no. Even as the urgent need to comprehensively review the security architecture of the National Assembly (NA) is already being discussed by the House leadership with the security agencies, the time has come to widen the perspective beyond the immediate insecurity of the National Assembly, to include clear and present nationwide insecurity. The time has come to decentralise the policing structure of Nigeria. The U.S. Congress is covered by the United States Capitol Police (USCP), a multi-unit structure that is answerable to the legislative branch of the U.S. government through the Capitol Police Board. The USCP units include containment and emergency response team, dignitary protection, threat assessment, intelligence gathering and analysis, and bomb squad. With a structure like this, can the Congress suffer what the Nigerian Senate went through recently? Possibly yes, but most probably no. Having copied so many aspects of the American system of democratic governance, it makes sense that Nigeria should adopt this protection method too. The policing system in Nigeria is archaic and most unsuitable to the challenges of modern times. For the umpteenth time, we should say, along with most voices of wisdom on this matter, that policing in this country must be localised if it is to be effective. To effectively and efficiently keep law and order in the polity, state and community (local government, university etc.) police must be created. Not only is the National Assembly at risk from hoodlums and other criminals, it is no exaggeration that in these times, nowhere and no one is safe in this country and the blame for this, ironically, falls substantially –but not completely- upon the legislature. It has failed in its constitutionally assigned duty to ‘make laws for the peace, order, and good government’ of this republic. The legislature has been too self-seeking, and derailed from its constitutional focus. It has been too devoted to serving narrow, parochial interests to pursue the highest good of the greatest number of the electorate. We seek exceptional acts of patriotism in the legislature but they are hard put to find it. If as they say, chicken eventually come home to roost, the invasion of the hallowed chambers of the Senate is only a new dimension to the widening insecurity in the land. Hapless citizens are killed each day across the country and government response is mere statements of regret. Perhaps because the electorate does not identify with the travail of the legislators, it is no wonder then that there is no spontaneous public protest against the invasion of the Senate. The primary purpose – and the constitutional duty – of this democratically elected government is to ensure the security and welfare of the people. To make Nigeria safe for democracy and democracy safe in Nigeria, the three arms of government must do their respective and collective duties.

Blog, Essays

Between hate speech and majesty of democracy by The Guardian

Cmoni / March 24, 2018

The journalist hangouts across the nation have been buzzing with Dapchi and the Bill Gates stories, but this Guardian editorial takes a look at another important current affair that is somewhat under reports. Read… ———————————————————————————————————————————— A careless declaration in Kano the other day by the Information and Culture Minister that a nebulous concept called “hate speech” would henceforth be treated as “terrorism’ in Nigeria had hardly been absorbed by concerned citizens when a bill that prescribes death sentence for a hate speech that leads to death. It is curious too that the minister’s threat and the hate speech bill as a private member bill from the Senate emerged after Vice President Yemi Osinbajo hinted at criminalization of government’s context of hate speech. So, there is but one mind in all these executive and legislative state actors, all bent against free speech, which defines the essence of democracy. In other words, democracy loses its majesty when its beneficiaries and those who should defend it are the ones sponsoring nebulous legislation to demonise democracy in the land. This bill sponsored by Senator Aliyu Sabi, Niger State and the executive support that heralded its arrival are to say the least hateful, careless, suspicious, obnoxious and undemocratic. Federal government has been harping on the conceptual confusion called “hate speech” and it has been finding ways of criminalizing it without seeking a national consensus on it. The federal government, which casually declared “hate speech” as an act of terrorism and warned that it would, henceforth, prosecute those who indulged in the practice as terrorism suspect should note that the most significant dividend of democracy is not physical infrastructure such as good roads: it is an intrinsic and golden thing called “free speech”, endorsed by Section 39 (1) of the 1999 Constitution as amended. And so any legislation or policy, which seeks to restrict or constrict is a violation of the organic law of the land that should be avoided. Section 39 (1) of the Constitution provides: “Every person shall be entitled to freedom of expression, including freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference”. The Minister of Information and Culture, Alhaji Lai Mohammed had at a recent Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) event in Kano State announced that henceforth, offenders of dangerous comments would be treated in accordance with the 2011 Terrorism Act. The minister who spoke at the second National Conference of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ) in Kano noted that government’s directive through the National Broadcasting Commission (NBC) to sanction any broadcast stations that allowed their organs to be used as media for promotion of hate speeches should not be discounted. Even the minister’s reference to a directive to a regulator, the NBC that should be seen to be independent, to sanction stations, is dangerous and unacceptable. NBC should not be perceived as a government tool to curtail press freedom in a democratic society. It is also hoped that government is aware that it was for that reason that a Court of Appeal ruled during the Second Republic (1970-1983) that Sedition Law, a colonial legacy, should not be allowed to operate in a democratic society and was so abrogated by the Court presided over by Justice Olajide Olatawura, (JCA). It was said in that related landmark ruling that has jurisprudential significance for democracy that leaders should be tolerant of democratic opinions and those (leaders) “who cannot stand the heat” of (strong opinions) “should leave the kitchen” of democracy. According to Nigeria’s Information Minister in Kano, the federal government has continued to promote ethical standard and the core responsibility of the journalism as a profession, but an attempt to circumvent its rightful position in the society could be inimical to the national cohesion. He said the media as a purveyor of public views has a huge responsibility of preserving national unity, public values and peaceful co-existence. “As a gatekeeper, the media is expected in high hope to build responsible and lead vibrant societal development devoid of dangerous and hate speeches. The federal government will continue to promote and uphold ethical standard”, Minister Mohammed had noted in a manner of teaching journalism ethics and law. State actors who are afraid of the media should note clearly that the world has gone beyond this pedantic approach to governance and teaching social responsibility of the media to its practitioners. By the way, the role of the media is not a donation by any government. It is expressly provided in the Constitution in Section 22 as The Fourth Estate of the Realm. And a minister has no added role of defining and regulating it as there are regulatory frameworks for media practice. Nevertheless, some citizens have frowned on the groundswell of political and religious opinions that can undermine cohesion and security of the nation. And more and more prominent citizens are expressing strong views against irresponsible journalism, especially in the social media where most citizens appear to have sought refuge to vent their frustration and anger about averageness, docility, unfairness, promotion of inequality and lack of tangible and measurable progress in the country. But in the main, seeking to criminalise speech making because it is unfavorable as “hate speech’ in a democracy can destroy the majesty of that democracy, which is defined even in a global context by the quality of free speech therein. In other words, when people are no longer free to speak their minds in a democracy, there will be a strong perception that, that democracy is in trouble. So, state actors who seek to discuss “hate speech” should not demonise democracy by seeking to pollute the finesse that enhances its majesty through unnecessary policy and regulation. The conclusion of the whole matter is that constructive engagement or seeking justice in the courts of law is the fulcrum on which order and progress rest in a democracy, not through criminalisation of journalism or pollution of free speech, its most remarkable dividend. Even as we sound some warning