El-Rufai is an achiever, Nigeria needs more like him no doubt. However, even his most fanatic supporter will agree on his rising unvendible profile in the south. He needs to calm down and learn to be more diplomatic. It will not reduce his effectiveness rather it will increase it and equally enhance the chances of realising his future aspirations.
The Northern Governors Forum took a collective decision at a meeting we had about two weeks ago that we will end the almajiri system completely, we will abolish it. And part of the steps we took was to return them to their states of origin. We also decided that each state government will take delivery of these almajiri and return them to their parents and ensure that they go to school ~ Nasir El-Rufai Dateline March 2nd 2015: Former First Lady Dame Patience Jonathan who had then usurped the activities of her husband’s presidential campaign mounted the stage at a rally in Calabar and in her boisterous manner exhorted the crowd to stone anybody that tells them about “change”. And in an apparent reference to the almajiri system in the north, she went on to say that “our people no dey born shildren wey dem no dey fit count. Our men no dey born shildren throway for street. We no dey like the people for that side”. Members of the opposition All Progressive Congress went berserk. Mallam Nasir El-Rufai who takes no prisoners and then a gubernatorial candidate took to his Facebook page to excoriate Mrs Jonathan as an “uncivilised, unintelligent, uncouth and prebendal element”. He told the northerners that President Jonathan and his wife hates them with a passion and urged them not to support his re-election bid. The northerners obeyed and Jonathan was voted out. Former Kano state governor Kwankwanso subsequently gloated that the first family had been a victim of Dame Jonathan’s words which he claimed galvanised “people in the north to ensure that Almajiri votes were used to kick them out of the villa.” Today El-Rufai is championing the abolition of almajiri system. What a time to be alive you would say. With his rumoured ambition to return to Abuja some have suggested his recent proclamation could have some political undertone. It makes it even more intriguing given that his close friend — Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, the former Emir of Kano — who incidentally is also a crusader for the same cause was only recently deposed. We surely have some interesting times to look forward to. I remember almajiris vividly from my undergraduate days at the University of Maiduguri. There was this particular set that usually ambushed me whenever I collect my allowance from Kasuashanu (cattle market) where our truck drivers drop it with my late father’s business partner. They know I will come every last Friday of the month, so they wait after Jumat to hail me “Anana”, an acronym for Anana Transport Company. I will dole out some change to more elated chants of “Na gode and Allah ya albarkache”. Back then I never felt threatened by a bunch of dusty kids in tattered clothes. I only felt pity when I juxtapose their reality with the fact that I had school mates who rode in exotic vehicles. Some even moved in a convoy of cars whose value could train the almajiris for life. Yet the almajiri system has remained a dividing topic among the northern leaders. An enduring pre-colonial concept which started around the 11th century in Kanem-Borno, it was later replicated in the Sokoto Caliphate following the victorious Jihad of Sheikh Uthman Dan Fodio. Originally designed to present fresh and educationally inclined children the opportunity to tap from experienced Islamic scholars and imbibe the tenets essential for decent Muslim adulthood, it reportedly produced Alhassan Dantata, the one time richest man in West Africa and the grandfather of Africa’s richest man Aliko Dangote among many other successful northerners. But it got bastardised over the years by the lowly callous men who breed children in multiples but take little responsibility. And was corrupted by generations of northern elites who send their wards to ivy league institutions abroad while the homeless almajiris often exploited to attain power through underage voting are left to roam the streets supposedly in search of knowledge. Men like Ali Modu Sheriff reportedly used the late Mohammed Yusuf (a known recruiter of almajiris) to his advantage and Sani Yerima confessed that the horde of unemployed masses baying for the Sharia served as a potent weapon against the dominant political force in his state. Both are ex-governors and former senators. Almajiri kids The beautiful pictures of almajiris being taught under the tree in a serene and conducive savannah climate have all but disappeared from memory. Nowadays a typical almajiri school consists of a small room packed with no less than 50 pupils and a stern Mallam who needs the slightest prompt to unleash his horsewhip. And some of the children who travel thousands of miles never get to see their biological parents again. They are brainwashed, abused, trafficked, kidnapped, sodomized and in some cases murdered for evil rituals. The cruelty is stark! Many of these hapless kids exposed to the baseness and megrim of our wicked world at a tender age eventually become the scum of society and willing recruits drafted into banditry and terrorism to satiate the ruthless lust for power among the ruling class. They have grown into the cancerous monster that plagues the north today and which symmetrically threatens our protracted quest for nationhood. And despite its strangle hold on power over the years the statistics from region leaves one in tears. In 2014, a UNICEF report put the estimate of almajiris in Nigeria at 9.5 million. This mob of bowl-carrying children represents about 72% of the country’s 13.2 million out-of-school children. Another study conducted by the World Bank between 2011 and 2016 noted that “poverty in the northern regions of the country has been increasing especially in the north-west zone” where almost half of all poor lived with the north accounting for 87% of poverty in the country. We are now in 2020 and there is a possibility of that these figures have doubled given the economic downturn witnessed in the past few years. That may explain why it didn’t come as a shock to many when more than 300 boys and men including citizens of Mali and Burkinafaso
As the ruling APC assail the nation with pictures of President Buhari’s visits to troubled states The Guardian put forward some solutions as it straddled the recent massacres with a history of violence in Southern Kaduna in this editorial of March 9th, 2018. Read on…. ———————————————————————————————————————————- Those who are familiar with the history of conflict in Kaduna state would not wrestle against the point that, in the more than three decades of violent clashes between people along the religious or whatever divide, nothing has been achieved in the way of a concrete victory for either side. The reality of the situation in Kaduna, therefore, is that of a pointless fatal struggle among neighbours who only have not taken conscious, positive steps towards understanding and/or accommodating one another. From the 1981 land-driven killings of Kasuwan Magani to the recurrent religious-cum-political violence in Kafanchan, the destruction of lives and property in the southern part of the state has had a tragic Shakespearean ring to it: full of sound (and fire) and fury, signifying nothing. Recently, in the same community of Kasuwan Magani where the landmark massacre occurred over thirty-five years ago, mortal acrimony reared its ugly head again. And its excuse for being is an old, familiar one: religion. For, according to reports, the “attempts by Christian and Moslem youths to stop their girls from dating their male counterparts from religions different from theirs was the major cause of the violence.” In this latest regress into unreason, residents have been killed, houses have been burnt, and the fragile hope for an enduring peace that had been so assiduously kept is yet again broken. It will take another long and tedious round of work to repair the peace and bring the community back to a semblance of itself. In this age of enlightenment in which the benefits of global exchange and inter-faith discourse are well known (or at least easily retrievable), and in a supposedly secular state as Nigeria is, how do people still get around to murdering each other based on religious sentiments? Why is the level of tolerance for otherness so low, and that of suspicion so high, that inter-marriage (or mixed relationship) is still a forbidden thing, punishable by death? It is remarkable that both Islam and Christianity have been characterised as religions of peace. Why then do some of their adherents appear ever-ready to slip into the bestiality of violence in order to maintain the purity of their own supposedly peaceful faith? The disagreeableness of the recent situation in southern Kaduna, and therefore the urgency of the foregoing questions, are well captured in the ensuing comments of the Public Relations Officer of the Christian Association of Nigeria, Reverend John Hayap. Nauseated, as any right-thinking human should be, by the news of the incident, Hayap pointed out the sadness of the fact that “in this age of education and technology [people are still] fighting and killing each other because of religion or boyfriend and girlfriend matter.” Even “if they don’t have good knowledge of their faith,” said Hayap, “their exposure to this modern era should help them stop this shameful act.” Characterising the acts of violence also as “a display of a high level of ignorance,” the cleric appropriately urged his Christian colleagues and Moslem counterparts to “step up their teachings” in order to stem the tide of fundamentalism. It is clear that the lack of proper education has come up as a major contributing factor to the eruption of religious violence in Nigeria as a whole. This is very true of Kaduna, and in this regard the administrative head of that political space has an important role to play. It is good that Governor Nasir El-Rufai has ordered the arrest and prosecution of the suspects in this latest manifestation of the ugliness of fanaticism. El-Rufai’s humanity and sense of duty, in quickly sending out relief materials to the affected people, must also be commended. However, the governor must go beyond these merely reactive measures and begin to forestall occurrences of religious (or any other form of) intolerance. The state should educate its people on the importance and value of tolerance, and rally them towards the path of peace. Setting up a government initiative on religious tolerance, or indeed including Peace Studies as a compulsory subject in the primary and secondary school curricula, would not be out of place. There is no true development without peace, and no person or party can lay claim to political savviness amid the corpses of its people and the ruins of their property. Mallam El-Rufai and his ruling APC party should, therefore, treat this as a matter of great urgency. Finally, studies suggest that no matter how thick and dark the barrier of understanding has become between two warring factions, no matter how long the history of hostility between them, it is never impossible to trace that history and fashion a passage through the barrier so that there can be better relations between both ends of it. The people of Kaduna state need to understand that, rather than being on a one-way street of bitter rivalry along whatever lines, they do have the option of peace and mutual understanding only if they are willing to take it. They also need to understand a fundamental truth about religious worship, expressed in the paradoxical but wise saying of a sage: “He who kills for the love of God kills love, kills God. He who kills in the name of God leaves God without a name.” This lesson is, indeed, for all of humanity.
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