election

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Thug by Victor Oladejo

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Spirits are citizens of this earth too, they leave among us, watch us, and see through us. They love this realm, the physical realm. They long to breathe, laugh, play, love, indulge in mischief, and be a part of all vanities within our reach as humans, but they can’t, because it is against the law. Only the living exist here. So when a spirit decides to appear in our realm, he possesses a body. It was on a Saturday when a spirit passed my brother, Bamidele. * It was raining when my father returned from his party meeting. His body was soaked, and his print shirt, like a sleeping slug, glued itself to his body and you could see the hairs on his chest pushing against it. My sister, Wumi came out of her room almost immediately with a towel as though she knew he would arrive that minute. “ Ekaabo sir”, I greeted and collected the small polythene nylon he was holding. “ Bawo ni Jimi?”, he asked and sat on a cushioned chair, wiping his body slowly with the towel, starting from his head. “ Fine sir, “ I replied. “ How was school, when did you return?” “ Two hours ago sir” I replied and pulled at the collar of my shirt, the cold air was nudging at my neck and giving me crazy chills. My sister left the parlour and returned with a tray of food. She set it slowly on the center table and left. “ Has Bamidele returned? “, my father asked and dropped the towel on the arm of the cushioned chair. “ No sir, “ I replied and hugged myself. “ We left the secretariat together, what could that boy be doing out there by this time ehen? Jimi do you have card ehen? Jo bami pe Bamidele”, he said and pulled the center table with his left hand and his right holding the tray firmly till it was close enough for him to eat comfortably. There was a knock on the door, I rose to check who it was. My father signaled at the window. I walked to it and pushed the blinds to see who it was. I smiled, it was Bamidele. Big bro! I rushed to the door and opened it. I opened my arms and hugged him. His body was rigid, drained of excitement and I could smell alcohol on his breath. Strange. I released him from my grip and he laughed. “ You are back, see my kid bro o, how school?” he asked. His breath smelt of rotten eggs now. He pulled at my cheek, then entered the house, shaking like a pawpaw tree in the wind as he went. I wiped my cheek and closed the door after him. Now the rain had stopped and the gutter at the front of the house was making slurping sounds as milk tins from the canteen at the other end of the street rolled through it. “ Where have you been ehen, don’t kill me o, I did not kill my parents. Check the time now and you know the election is here already.” He said and dropped a morsel in his soup. My brother stood still as though he were taking the words in, then he smiled and staggered down the hallway. My body shuddered. what had come to lose in my brothers’ head? I waited for my father to run after him and give him a sound beating. But he did not, instead, he shook his head and picked up the morsel drowning in his soup. I left for three months, now it felt like I had left for eternity. This wasn’t the father I knew. This wasn’t the man that locked me in the store, a dimly lit room with fat rats the size of a fist playing hide and seek among the sacks for one hour because I came home with a broken lip from a fight at school. I watched my father eat his food in silence till my mother came in with a bright hurricane lantern for the night prayers. Her prayer was short but filled with arrows that must kill her enemies in the neighborhood and the unseen forces trying to destroy the name of our family. After my mother and sister had left for their rooms, my father switched off the light and called me to his room. My father was seated on a chair close to the only window when I came, the room was sliced in half by the yellow rays of his touch, leaving the area close to his chair and the ancient bed close by in a wash of yellow while the rest of the room was swallowed in darkness. “ Come and sit here “, He said and patted the edge of his bed. After I had made myself comfortable on the bed, he cleared his throat. “ You might be wondering why I called you to my room at this hour after your long journey from Lagos, but you see, our elders say that the matter that has to be discussed at night, you don’t leave it till the morning” He cleared his throat again and dropped his torch on the ground, then slowly he brought his hands together in a heavy clap ending the buzz of a mosquito. “ I was in my room discussing with your mother when Bamidele came in. I asked if his oga released him from work because it was three in the afternoon. He said he was sent away from the shop by his Oga! Mr. Ola sent your brother from his shop! And on top of it, he accused him of selling twelve ozen of tiles behind his back. “ My body shuddered and my knees became weak. Oga Olu was a family friend and his son, Remi, was my best friend before I gained Admission to the University of Lagos. He paid my acceptance fee

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The Igbo — Yoruba Mistrust by Chukwuemeka Oluka

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There is no way one can write on the Igbo — Yoruba mistrust without opening some healed wounds. Sadly, this is what the essay will do. In the end, however, the writer provides enough collagen to help the wounds heal and then help to avoid the sustenance of more wounds. Highlighted in this essay is the role of principal actors (between the Igbo and Yoruba) in the civil war, and how previous working agreements and the attempts to have a ‘handshake’ between the two tribes collapsed. The essay also explores how ethnicity was used in the 2023 general elections in Lagos to widen the growing mistrust between the Igbo and Yoruba. There is always a complicated blame game between the Igbo and Yoruba, and one that is as old as pre-independence. History witnessed the intrigues and drama. This blame game has inadvertently led to a level of mistrust that has continued to alienate the Igbo and Yoruba, making the prospect of any beautiful political marriage a mirage. The fallout of Biafra — Nigeria civil war meant that the Igbos are always in a hurry to describe their southern brothers, the Yoruba as betrayers. There is the allegation that the Yoruba failed to secede from Nigeria as purportedly agreed during a meeting between Obafemi Awolowo and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. These two arguably were the symbolism of the Yoruba tribe and the Igbo tribe. That allegation held that instead, Awolowo joined forces with General Yakubu Gowon the then Head of state to fight Biafra, as he (Awolowo) was the brain behind the use of starvation as a weapon to destroy Ndigbo during the war that occurred from 1967 to 1970. This is one side of the coin. Another side of the coin maintained that during the meeting between Awolowo and Ojukwu, what the premier of the Western region said was that “if the Igbo were ‘driven’ out of Nigeria, the Yoruba would take it seriously and reassess their own position.” With this, the Yoruba would absolve themselves of any accusation of betrayal. Yet, what is certain was that Awolowo came to Enugu, after which Ojukwu declared Biafra, which later led to the civil war. The Yoruba would also turn around and accuse the Igbo of first betraying them, laying pointers to the 1965 elections of the first republic. In that election, the Yoruba alleged that the West and the East had agreed to boycott the election. While the Yoruba kept to their side of the bargain, the Igbo went ahead to vote. However, some political observers say that the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which were in power at the time in the East faced a dilemma, which was either to boycott the election — (that saw the Federal Government-powered Nigerian National Democratic Party NNDP of Akintola which was opposed to the then mainstream Action Group AG) — and lose power or to play along and stay in power. The observers said the Igbo looked at political reality and then chose to hold on to power. This, according to the observers should cut the Igbo some form of slack in the blame game. In another twist of blame, the Yoruba have accused the Igbo of never trusting them. They say the South-East always preferred to form an alliance with the North, even when the Yoruba extended their hands. The Yoruba would site an instance where a joint government between Zik’s NCNC and Awolowo’s AG, offered by Awolowo was jettisoned by Zik. In that arrangement, Awolowo conceded for Zik to be the Prime Minister while he would become the finance minister. Recall also that the Sardauna (Sir Ahmadu Bello) had also offered an alliance to Zik. This deal eventually saw (Tafawa) Balewa become the Prime Minister while Zik became the President. In the defence of Zik’s decision, it is opined that he had more of a Nationalist inclination and disposition in his decision, in that he felt that an alliance with Awolowo would be judged as a Southern alliance. Another defence was that Zik sensed some form of double play by the Yoruba because at the time Awolowo, who was the Premier of the Western Region offered the alliance to Zik, a principal actor in the West (AG) Ayo Rosiji, was also patronizing sir Ahmadu Bello in the North (NPC). Some would wonder, why would an alliance even work when in the 1951 Western House of Assembly election, Zik aspired to be the premier but some Yoruba allies in the NCNC dramatically cross-carpeted and teamed up with Awolowo’s AG leading to him becoming the Premier. These interplays of accusations and allegations meant that the two tribes would continue to demonize each other and the consequences of the hate-filled exchanges continue to haunt the two tribes. Just in the recently concluded 2023 general elections witnessed in Lagos, we all saw how ethnicity was deployed as a weapon to execute the elections. Hurtful and hateful words became catchphrases used by miscreants on the streets of Lagos and the ‘vawulence’ streets of Twitter. The zenith of it all was during the 2023 governorship election. Lagos became the centre of attention for its attempts at vilifying Ndigbo for holding contrary political positions. Social miscreants known as ‘Area Boys’ allegedly instigated by certain political heavyweights, attacked Igbo-dominated areas of Lagos. It was alleged that their grouse against the Igbo was their inability to vote for the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Recall that Tinubu, the godfather of Lagos politics lost at ‘home’ to Mr Peter Obi the candidate of the Labour Party (LP) during the February 25th, 2023 Presidential elections. It was unheard of because many didn’t imagine that such a feat could be reached by Obi. After Tinubu lost to Obi in Lagos, barely five days before the gubernatorial election, nine governorship candidates stepped down and declared support for the incumbent Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu of the APC. Political analysts say the Labour Party may have instilled some level of fear into the ruling APC. Somehow, Mr

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TAMING tHE Thug!  by Becky Peleowo

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Mama Kokwe said the blood that flowed in Agbero’s blood was a potpourri of cannabis, tramadol and tobacco and the scent that emanates from his armpits was worse than the stench of a cesspool. Agbero was not a bad guy but he was unfortunate to have met me. Perchance, Agbero would have been some “Jamal”, “Richard” or even “Bankioluwa”, if his quick-to-impress mother had not abandoned her sales of ‘Bebe-okwu’, “Skirt’’, “Opa Eyin” and the other liquor she sold, to become Beske’s fourth Baby-Mama. Beske, a notorious lout was infamous for everything thuggery until his rugged life was cut short by an Army raid at Ojuwoye market. He died by the merciless rifles of a military troop who came to calm the unrest in the area. The meagre asset he left behind would sustain his large family of 15 people, living in a single-bedroom apartment for a month or two. Hard-ass Agbero learnt to survive amidst his large family and the ghetto area of his birth. “Your mixture is ready.” Iya Dongoyaro called out to Agbero as she extended her overly bleached right hand towards the towering street urchin with a pot belly. “How many shots of Jedi dey there?” Agbero’s distorted lips were raised in doubtful interrogation. Iya Dongoyaro had the habit of selling less than she was asked to, in a bid to make more money. “I no fit lie for you. Wallahi, it’s two shots!” She placed the tip of her index finger on her tongue and raised it to the sky, an act common among the locals to show that one is not lying. “Na so you go dey call God name dey lie. I no dey pay for this one!” Agbero retorted and in a flash, he gulped the hot liquid down his throat. “Ehn, kojo!” Iya Dongoyaro grabbed Agbero’s faded T-shirt in defiance as she demanded for her pay. His belly popped up and down as she waggled him and rained abuses on his ancestors. The spirit of his ancestors must have shrieked at her high croaky voice. Agbero’s friends and a few by-standers made an attempt to loosen Iya Dongoyaro’s grip on him but she was adamant. The sun smiled wickedly at the fighters as it was past noon. Agbero’s gold-tinted hair was dripping sweat and Iya Dongoyaro cared less that the stinking drops fell on her blushed skin. “Wham!” The resounding slap that landed on her face afterwards knocked Iya Dongoyaro out. There was pandemonium! Igboro, the driver of the bus that Agbero was its conductor, rushed to a close by vulcanizer and scooped a bowl of contaminated water to sprinkle on the older woman’s face. Iya Dongoyaro spent days at the public health centre; days that preceded the news that she had breast cancer. To her well-wishers, Agbero was the cause of her ailment and Agbero has taken up her after care since then. I grew up eating from the same bowl of flies with Agbero. When our mothers dropped our enormous bowls of Garri with sugar and countable groundnuts on the burial ground of Alhaja Kubura, they never minded that we crunched a few houseflies with the local cereal. All they needed to see was our protruded belly and then comes the question, “se o ti yo?”; their own way of ascertaining if we were filled. But who will argue that we were not when our protruded belly was saying otherwise? After having our fill, Agbero and I would run to Mummy Chidera’s compound where her daughters were breaking ekuro, and we will join them in the tedious task as we throw some of the hard nuts in our mouths. I was not cut out for the ghetto life as I always ended up with a cough after chewing the nuts but Agbero never felt sick. No one ever saw him cry. Mama Kokwe had once told my mum when she came to have her nails painted that Agbero did not cry when his mother birthed him. It was said that when he refused to make a sound, his father landed a slap on his flappy buttocks and exclaimed in Yoruba to his mother, “Did you birth an Agbero?” In such a manner, his father named him even before his Sunna. The Islamic Cleric named him Suleiman but to avoid being called Sule, ( a name that had become an insult), he adopted Agbero and that was what everyone called him. The Junior Secondary Certificate Examination was a few days before we got the news that Beske had been shot to death. Agbero did not blink an eye when he heard of his father’s death and even when he was the smartest boy in class, his father’s death ended his formal education. My mother wanted me to leave ghetto life behind so, anytime she attached artificial nails for her rich customers, she would put my career forward, in a bid to find a sponsor. That way my education was secure and I even got admitted into a polytechnic to study Secretarial Studies. Luckily I was able to get a job at the State Secretariat in Alausa. Agbero on the other hand, completed his apprenticeship as a mechanic but ended up as a bus conductor. I came back to the slum as a politician and I had only one mission; to pick Agbero from the gutters and to introduce him to the elite world. “Omokomo! Ehn, is this you?” Agbero greeted me cheerfully, throwing his greased stained body over my white flowing agbada. One of my bodyguards moved to shove him aside and Agbero started displaying his punches, prancing like a gazelle and eulogizing himself. I smiled as I recalled our childhood. He was the audacious one and would take up a difficult task or face a serious punishment while we were wetting our panties in fear. I recall Mr. Keshinro, the Introductory Science teacher in JS three. He always gave challenging and demanding projects that required creativity and spending

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Exploring Political Thuggery by Solomon Ekoja

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Introduction As one examines the peaceful way elections are conducted in the West, one is tempted to question why the case of Nigeria seems different. This is basically because of the activities of thugs who are engaged by corrupt politicians to disrupt the electioneering process in their favor. In view of this, the scope of this research essay lies in defining some terms, examining a case study, discussing the causes of thuggery, highlighting its implications, and proffering solutions that will help in curbing the menace. Definition of terms Political thuggery is a form of political violence that poses a threat and scares politicians, thereby unduly influencing the outcome of the political process and gaining an undue advantage, particularly in elections, against certain politicians, especially those in the minority or those touted to create an upset at the polls. Political thugs are an organized set of criminals who engage in acts such as intimidation and violence to undermine a perceived or real political opponent to enable their sponsors to achieve their selfish political objective or interest. Case study Thuggery has been a serious menace in the political architecture of our dear country for decades now. During the build-up for the 2023 general election, for instance, it discouraged many youths from actively participating as INEC Adhoc staff. Even those who managed to participate came back with bitter testimonies about how they escaped lynching from thugs for refusing to dance to their bidding. Prior to the presidential election, INEC, security agencies, religious organizations, and civil societies tried their best to sensitize the public from engaging in thuggery. This indeed paid off to some degree as people moved freely to fulfil their civic duties. However, during the governorship election, things took a new turn maybe because of the localization of the offices being contested for. As early as 8:00 am, I went to my polling unit to cast my vote for my desired candidate before heading back home. I then tuned in my radio to the gubernatorial situation room to catch the latest update in other parts of the country. To my dismay, the presenter announced the killing of a political thug in Gboko for attempting to snatch a ballot box and disrupt the election. As I struggled to digest the news, the internet space was already littered with pictures of other political thugs killed in other parts of the country. The week following, I resumed back to work to be told by a colleague that one of the thugs killed was his in-law. According to his report, the boy was a graduate, and due to hardship, he was lured into the act with the sum of 10,000 naira. When he arrived at the polling unit, he neglected the presence of the female soldier on the ground to commence his evil mission. As he scattered the election materials and was about to leave, the soldier fired a shot which led to his death. As many heard about the news of what happened, the question on the lip of many Nigerians was, “Why will someone that is suffering because of poor leadership choose to die for politicians whose children are enjoying the comfort of Europe”? Another colleague of mine who summoned the courage to serve as a presiding officer also shared his experience with me. He said after accrediting about 89 voters using the Bvas, some thugs asked him to inflate the figures to about 200 in favor of a leading political party to which he initially objected. When he sensed his life was at stake, he heeded their bidding by changing the figures on a temporary sheet. He, however, discarded the fake result and reported the authentic result to the INEC officials at the collation center where there was safety. He even told me that a serving senator set aside his security aides so they don’t interfere with his mission and recruited some local thugs during his movement from one polling unit to the other. History of political thuggery in Nigeria During the colonial era, the political climate of the country was peaceful because key decision-making was done by our colonial masters. Things however changed after we got our independence in 1960. By 1962, thuggery began to manifest when the political crisis that rocked Action Group (a dominant political party in Western Nigeria) was publicized. The rift which was actually between Obafemi Awolowo and Samuel Akintola made many members of the party pitch tents against each other. As the situation aggravated, Akintola left the party to form a new regional party called NNDP. This move led to the wanton destruction of lives and properties by the warring factions till the Federal government declared a state of emergency. After the conduction of the 1964 Federal elections and the 1965 regional elections, the Akintolas party was accused of rigging. This motivated thugs to take advantage of the protest and cause pandemonium in the region. While this was going on, a group of political thugs in the North known as yan akusa was being used by the Northern people’s congress to check the winning streak of the Northern Elements Progressive Union. Since then, the act has continued to gain ground with each passing republic cycle because of the decision of the political class to prioritize it for election manipulation. During the 2011 elections, crises also erupted in Northern Nigeria when thugs took advantage of the protest against the presidential election to cause a commotion. Causes of political thuggery *Poor value system: The value system of society is gradually being eroded because of the overemphasis on money. People no longer care about the source of one’s wealth but are concerned if such an individual has money. This attitude stimulates youths to engage in thuggery to amass wealth from politicians. *Poverty: The record shows that the majority of the people who engage in political thuggery come from poor backgrounds. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, about 82.9 million Nigerians lived on less than a dollar daily in

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The Race To Aso Villa: Projections by Obi Trice Emeka

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The 2023 election is shaping up to be the most competitive since the return of democracy in 1999 and for first the time, Nigeria is having a valid strong 3-man horse race that might end in a photo finish. The three candidates have what it takes to win the election. Regardless of who wins, motivational speakers will have a lot of lessons to draw from it. A victory for Atiku will speak on persistence, a Tinubu victory will teach long-term planning while Peter Obi will be on the powers of the citizens to make impossibilities possible I have read so many polls for the election predicting different winners. I agree and disagree with some of the contents in the poll. I have gone ahead to conduct my poll, sampling my friends in different states and using my understanding of Nigerian politics. Here is my analysis Runoff I have read many analysts’ project that the election is likely to go to a runoff. Section 134 of the Nigerian constitution spells out the ground for a runoff. For a candidate to win at the presidential poll he or she must score 25% of votes in 24 states. The only candidate I had fears that he might not be capable of winning 1/4 of the votes in 24 states was Peter Obi. But his recent foray into the North Central and also into Christian communities in North East is aimed at eliminating that disadvantage. The candidate of the APC and the PDP will have no problem with getting 25%. Atiku will get 25% in all SS states and also in the 19 northern states. Tinubu will get 25% in SW and all 19 northern states. Once any candidates get 25% of the votes cast in 24 states and get the highest single vote, that candidate is declared the winner. Atiku’s path to victory Atiku has concentrated his election strategy in the north. His strategy is simple: get the bulk votes of Northern Nigeria and grab whatever he can from the South to emerge the winner. Atiku is competing fiercely in the Northwest and may likely win that zone. In the NE he is likely to win Taraba and Adamawa and have a fierce battle with the APC in Bauchi. In the North West, he is being tipped to win Kaduna but will be locked in a fierce battle with the APC in most of the states in North West. In North Central, the only state he might win is Niger state. He will do poorly in the South East. I do not expect him or any candidate to get 25% in the SE. He will also do poorly in the SW except for Osun state. He will not get 25% in all SW states except Osun and Oyo. Atiku will do well in the South-South which is a traditional zone of the PDP. If the South-South turns up for him and he gets the bulk of votes in the North as envisaged then he is on his way to becoming the president of Nigeria Ahmed Bola Tinubu’s path to victory All Tinubu needs to win the 2023 election is to maintain the same path of victory that has worked well for the APC since 2015. Get the chunk of votes in the North West and North East and consolidate with votes from South West. The only problem is that Atiku is driving a northern agenda making victory in the north much more difficult. The obedient movement appears to be strong in the southwest. However, Tinubu is expected to win South West with about 55%. He needs to win by 70-75% to cover up for losses in other zones. He will win all Southwestern states with no problem except for Lagos where he might lose or marginally win. He is expected to do well in North Central, winning Kogi and Kwara. He will come second in Benue and Plateau and will compete to win in Nassarawa and Niger. In the North East, he will take Borno and Yobe with not much stress, and compete fiercely in Bauchi. Gombe and Taraba will be anyone’s game. In the South-South, he will get 25% in Delta, Edo, Bayelsa, Rivers, and Cross Rivers. In the South East, he will not get anything significant. Peter Obi’s path to Victory. For Peter Obi to stand a chance of winning he has to follow the GEJ 2011 strategy; win comprehensively in the South and take whatever he can from the North. However, this will be a difficult task. The southwest is already taken by Tinubu making it a compulsion that he must win the South-South convincingly to stand a chance. The old PDP war horses in the South-South may throw up a surprise. While Peter is expected to win the South East by 95%, he needs to win the South-South by 60% to make the victory in SE count in numbers. Peter is also expected to win Benue and Plateau. He will do well in Nassarawa and will win FCT. However, he is yet to crack North West and the North East. He might get 25% in Kaduna. This is the best I think he can go in North West. In the North East, he has Taraba and Gombe to hope on due to their strong Christian population but I don’t know how far it will go as the other two candidates are expected to do well in the two states. Despite Adamawa having a large Christian population, I expect Atiku to triumph there even within the Christian population. I expect Obi to win Lagos or if he is to lose, marginally Kwankwaso factor Kwankwaso can’t get 25% of the votes cast in 24 states. I am certain that he will not get 25% in any southern state. However, he will win Kano and ensure neither Atiku nor Tinubu gets the Buhari figures in the North West. Traditional Structure v New Structure For years, I have been an advocate of

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Igbo Political Renaissance Will Begin With IPOB’s Decline.

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  We cannot allow anyone or any group appropriate a sole franchise to define our Igbo identity, much more proselytise it in a despicable and violent manner. We should not justify it or be indifferent to it. Our history and civilisation extol respect for one another. ~ Nnanna Ude Regardless of our usual social media tittle-tattle if one is blessed with some measure of knowledge and quill-wielding, it is proper and even obligatory to put ink to paper in a more concise and intelligible manner on some critical issues affecting your people. So when I read Ezeife’s demand on the 2023 presidency I was reminded of the above succinctly captured statement by Mr Ude shortly after IPOB members attacked Ike Ekweremadu. Its been three years since many Igbos, still reeling from the painful defeat of ‘our brother’ Jonathan embraced IPOB’s call for secession. I wrote an article then in which I opined that the coming years will see Ndi Igbo rise from that unfortunate political miscalculation to assume their rightful place in national politics. Sadly, I was disappointed. During the last campaign, I also stated that piloting Igbos back to mainstream politics should be a priority regardless of the success or otherwise of Obi’s shot at the Vice Presidency. But here we are again still grieving that loss even as other regions have commenced politicking towards 2023. Nevertheless, this piece is neither to validate nor condemn, rather in my usual approach, I will interrogate some factors that may not necessarily be peculiar to the Igbos but have aided in our recent political relegation viz-a-viz the lethargic handling of IPOB and offer my humble suggestions as I believe detailed texts on contemporary issues should do. Permit me to digress a bit with an experience I had in Germany in order to locate the nucleus of Kanu’s IPOB before we proceed. Having arrived in Kassel as my business partner travelled to Belgium for an emergency I decided to visit a friend in Bremen. While hanging out in the local joint where we play poker and chat about the happenings back home a shabbily dressed bloke sauntered in and on learning that I was visiting from Nigeria asked; “Nna, I heard the United Nations recognized the Sovereign State of Biafra declared by MASSOB, owu eziokwu?” (Is it true?) Perplexed, I didn’t know what to make of him or his question. That a man living in Germany would be that misinformed in 2006 was kind of absurd. By the time I gathered myself to respond, I was told to ignore a refugee who hadn’t been home in 14 years. There are many like him across the western world. Young men who embarked on the transatlantic expedition in search of the golden fleece but ended in perpetual stagnation as asylum-seekers. They are the ones that have been smartly exploited by Kanu to bring home an intellect-trashing era of populism through his fact-twisting Radio Biafra. Many of these pendent brothers are the omphalos of his fraudulent agitation. And having been promised a fantasy land, an eldorado of sorts where prosperity will be restored under the guidance of a Supreme Leader ordained by Chukwu Okike Abiama, they are as ready to fund the ‘cause’ as they are willing to uproot any impediment. These are the men Ezeife would want to lead the Igbo nation if Nigeria does not ‘give’ us the presidency. The same man who suggested that Nigeria may not survive till 2023 if Buhari is re-elected just like he predicted the country’s break up if Jonathan is defeated in 2015. And by saying that “Igbos voted for both APC and PDP” he is inadvertently demanding for the two leading parties to zone their presidential tickets to the South East. Laughable if you ask me, and I believe others will be having a good laugh at us too. There is no way the distribution of power in our skewed federalism will be curated on sentiments. But let us even assume that the octogenarian’s dictate is for the PDP where we have largely stored our eggs since 1999. Pray on what premise is he making such demands? Has he analysed the current position of Igbos in the party hierarchy? Is he unaware that Igbos never called the shots even when we had powerful ministers and ranking officers in the legislature under Jonathan? One would expect that the ex-governor should know that you strive to negotiate from a position of strength in politics. You see, Igbos are a heuristic tribe who pride themselves as exceptional people especially blessed by God. In a seminal study published in 1974 by Alex Inkeles and David S. Smith the Igbos alongside the Jews of Eastern Europe, the Swiss Protestants and the Parsis of India were ranked the most resourceful in the world on achievement motivation. The veracity or falsity of these claims very much depends on the prism of perception. However, you are likely to have an Igbo person more than any other as the factotum in any group of Nigerians. We saw it in Japan where all the leaders of the various Nigerian delegations that met President Buhari were Igbos. The South East has never lacked in human and material resources. It is a region that recovered in record time after a devastating civil war and currently leads other regions in almost all the UN developmental indices. And all these were achieved without power at the centre since Ironsi was felled over half a century ago. Unfortunately, Igbos today appear to be poor students of history and strategy. The corollary of which has been the inadequate deployment of our famed ingenuity in Nigerian politics. That is why Ezeife will attempt to blackmail the nation a few months after Ohaneze Ndi Igbo declared that the Igbos do not need the presidency. A classical example of a struggling conflict of extremes driven more by individual rather than collective interest. We have watched the last four years wither through hate-spewing, negativity and a defeatist mentality not even witnessed

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And If You Win Election My Brother, Godwin by Anointed Ifekristi. 

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When I heard the results of the September 19, Edo gubernatorial elections, what came to my mind was the hit song of one of Nigeria’s popular musician, Korede Bello; ‘GODWIN’, which coincidentally is the name of the man who emerged victorious at the polls. Indeed, September 19 was a memorable day for democracy in Edo State and in fact, Nigeria. I was considering several topics for this essay, one of them included; ‘Edo no be Lagos’, a slang that was birthed few days to the election, which proved that Nigerians are awaking from their slumber.  The election proved that Nigerians are hungry and thirsty for genuine democracy.  A Yoruba proverb says: in order to know where we are going to, we must remember where we are coming from. In other words, to explain the positives from the Edo State Gubernatorial Elections, we must understand what really happened.  Godwin Obaseki was the incumbent governor of Edo State, but his chances to win the election were very slim. He won the election to emerge as the governor in 2016 under the flag of the All Progressives Congress (APC), but now he had crossed to the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). He wanted to seek a second term in office, but the powers that be rejected him, so he crossed to PDP where he contested and had a landslide victory. Even though 14 political parties registered to participate in the elections, but it was a battle between APC and PDP, another feature of democracy which I can is admirable.  There were expectations towards the elections, people predicted that heads would roll, blood would spill, properties and lives would be lost, but we had quite the opposite, although, there were minimal casualties. According to electoral observers, it was to a large extent a free and fair election. Even though a total of 2,210,534 people registered to vote in the elections, about 483,000 people refused to pick up their voters’ card. We had about 1.7 million voters, who were accredited, but just 537,407 people voted, but nevertheless it was a big win for democracy. Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was also impressive in the dispensation of their duties, even though there were hitches, but they did a good job. There was also heavy presence of security personnel, to prevent irregularities.  I am pointing out these facts to prove that, the election results expressed the will of the people.  Contesting against Godwin Obaseki was Pastor Ize-Iyamu, from APC who looked favourite to win because of the powers behind him. Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, who presented Godwin Obaseki as a worthy candidate 4 years ago, in the same vein condemning Pastor Ize-Iyamu, now turned around to say the exact opposite of what he said 4 years ago. Apart from Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, Obaseki had a host of other enemies; the absentee 14 lawmakers of Edo Sate (allies of Adams Oshiomhole), political Godfathers, and the ‘leader’, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu.  Left to some people, Godwin Obaseki already lost the battle, due to the forces behind the opposition, but the people had other plans, which went down in history as a day to remember in the quest for genuine democracy in Nigeria. Despite everything, Godwin Obaseki won with a margin of 84,336 votes. He had 307,955 votes while Pastor Ize-Iyamu of APC had 223,619 votes (Source: THIS DAY Newspaper). There a lot of positives to take away from the turnouts of events, in which I will point out accordingly below.  POWER BELONGS TO THE PEOPLE  It is just as if a scale was removed from the eyes of the people and all of a sudden, they realize power rests with the electorates.  Greta Thunberg said and I quote: ‘The real power belongs to the people. ‘We have the power to elect whoever we think can represent us adequately, that is the essence of democracy. The people have come to realize this, and I know it’s a start of something great.  NO TO GODFATHERS  An important lesson learnt from the election is that, the people know what they want, and what they don’t want. Nigerians don’t want godfathers, and they visibly attacked it with their votes, and this might actually be the beginning of the end of ‘godfatherism’ in the country. It has proved that all Nigerians need is to gather courage and be united, in that way, we will conquer anything. Nigerians are tired of taking dictations on who to vote for, we have realized that we have the power to elect who we want, and it’s high time we wake up from our slumber.  Despite the agenda against Godwin Obaseki, the people stood with the leader they wanted. Few days to the election, Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu recorded a video straight from Lagos telling Edo people not to vote for Obaseki but rather vote for Pastor Ize-Iyamu, Edo indigenes grew angry challenging his authority to decide who they are to vote for, telling him to know his jurisdiction, which gave birth to the slang; ‘Edo no be Lagos’. Godfathers are not elements of democracy, they only disrupt free and fair election, and Nigerians now know that it is time to say no to GODFATHERS.  LEGACY  Politicians will also learn that leading a good legacy while in governance and being a good political office holder who has the interest of the electorate in mind is better than being power drunk thereby seeking power at all cost.  PARTY POLITICS  Nigerians have learnt to stop partisan loyalism; staying glued to a political party who is in total disregard for public interest, instead they are voting for an individual who is competent. In the Edo Gubernatorial elections, people looked beyond the parties and voted the man of their choice (even though, this is not totally true).  It further points out that the Independent National Electoral Commission can truly be independent, and it’s only a matter of time, we will soon be having totally free and fair election in Nigeria.    CONCLUSION   To be sincere, the Edo gubernatorial elections, is a sign of good things to come. Nigerians has seen what we can achieve together if we’re united, every ’wall of Jericho’ will be brought down if we are united. It is a pointer to what we are to expect in the2023 Presidential elections, a good foundation is being laid, enough of oligarchy, the power belongs to the people, and the people are ready to make use of that power.  Anointed Ifekristi is a Part 4 student of the Faculty of Law, Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife, Nigeria and can be reached

Essays, Writers

2020 Edo State Election: The Future Of Democracy In Nigeria by Osanyinro Oluwaseun.

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The wise men who quietly watched the happenings during the Edo State election should have their books full of lessons learned and unlearned. For once again, they have a sneak peek into the future of democracy in Nigeria. A future where its citizens truly hold the ruling power and their voices are heard. With various foretelling of violence, rigging, bloodshed and election misconduct, the Edo State election was a rather peaceful one though only about 25.2% registered voters came out to vote. A thin line above making the election void. Also, it could be attributed to the recent pandemic COVID ’19 as though some of the guidelines were followed like use of face masks, there was little or no social distancing.  Held on the 19th of September, 2020, the governorship election became a battle between two great parties: People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC). Though other parties were present, it was as if they were not existing as their votes when collated together were not up to 10,000. It was also heard that one of the gubernatorial aspirants did not bother to leave her residential house in Lagos. With results announced, the incumbent governor, Obaseki Godwin who switched party from APC to PDP emerged as the victor with 307,955 votes over Pastor Osagie’s 223,619 votes who crossed from PDP to APC. Governor Godwin is the second to win election on two different political platforms in four years. Here are few lessons learned from Edo State election:    Nigerians votepersons not parties.  It was quite a shock that two electoral parties exchanged governorship aspirants. APC which was the present ruling party discarded the incumbent governor and picked up his opponent Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu for reasons best known to them. Seeing this transfer, PDP decided to pick up the rejected stone, maximize their advantage which was the sentiments of the citizens and so the stone that the builders rejected became the chief cornerstone. The Citizens of Edo State wanted their governor back not a particular party.   2. Godfatherism has come to an end.  The final hit that nailed Pastor Osagie’s defeat was the influence of godfathers. The former governor Adams Oshiomole who in 2016 spoke strongly against godfatherism immediately changed his speech in 2020. He condemned the very aspirant he praised in 2016 and praised the very aspirant he condemned in 2016. With every fiber of overconfidence, he told the people of Edo State the benefits of a godfather and foretold that Pastor Osagie will win. Also, Asiwaju Bola Tinubi, the godfather in APC, made an appearance all the way from Lagos. The Citizens of Edo State decided to go by their choice and not by the confusion Oshiomole wanted to set in hence the chant “Edo no be Lagos” and “Obaseki no be Ambode“. Of course, you can fool all the people some of the time, you can fool some people all of the time but you cannot fool all the people all of the time. Edo State citizens wanted no external influence and they had their way.    Foreign travels and foreign assets are more valuable. The press release by the United States and United Kingdom few days to the election might have curtailed the plans by political personalities to rig the election. The two world powers declared restriction of visa and assets cessation of Nigerian electoral offenders. The U.S had already imposed restrictions on the visas of politicians who were found guilty of electoral offences in the 2019 elections of Kogi and Bayelsa States. Politicians did not want to be stuck in Nigeria and would still love to travel on sick leave. Also, the assets built in foreign lands cannot waste simply because of an election in Nigeria. A lot of them took their hands off the election process and watched from their homes.    PDP might win the 2023 presidential election. It could be because PDP has allowed Nigerians to see what the opposition party has to offer for about 8 years which might be nothing. It could also be Nigerians are fed up with the party itself and want another party. The free and fair election in Edo State showed the mind of the people: they are tired of APC. They might still want the incumbent governor but they want to be the deciding factor and not some godfathers from Lagos. One should not be surprised, if given a free and fair election come 2023, the People’s Democratic Party might take over.   To say the horse race between the two parties is over is to conclude too early. While other parties are present, no doubt, PDP and APC would again be at loggerheads to win Ondo State governorship election set to hold on the 10th of October, 2020. Wise men would once again open their books and pick up their pens. Seeing the seamless victory won, Ondo State citizens may follow the lead of their neighbors. It would be a very wise decision if the godfathers would refrain from showing their faces in Ondo State and politicians would avoid rigging of elections. Nigerians have their voices once again.   Osanyinro Oluwaseun, a graduate of Microbiology and currently a master student of Public Health at the University of Ibadan runs a blog on WordPress deejemima.wordpress.com

Essays, Writers

Democracy Wins As Edo People Speak With One Vote by Oyinola Abosede.

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  Since the news broke that the incumbent governor of Edo State won the gubernatorial election that was held in the State on September 19, 2020. I must confess that it has been celebration galore on the streets of Benin City and other places. Even though many Nigerians were anxious to get a glimpse on how the election would look like. Some pundits who had predicted the outcome of the Gubernatorial election in Edo State got it all wrong. While many others predicted that the election would end up as war, or a do -or die affair. But quite amazing that this didn’t happen.  Let us be clear, Nigerians desire genuine democracy. That was the major point to take away from Saturday’s Edo State gubernatorial poll. I strongly believe it’s not just about the outcome, but more about the fidelity of the process. After all is said and done, the much-hyped election particularly the media celebration of the fear of possible blood-letting, the exercise presented an anti-climax. You will agree with me that Heaven did not fall that day, Instead Edo State voters lined up peacefully and comported themselves, as they patiently waited to exercise their franchise. 1    Just like most people will say, Edo has really shown that it is not Lagos. The people of Edo State were vigilant, resilient and stood boldly against oppression, injustice and any influence of Godfather. Then I remembered a lecturer once told me that “Sometimes we learn the lessons of life through pain, melancholy and the vicissitudes of life and sometimes we also learn the lessons of life through joy and comfort. Whatever the case may be, the most important thing is the great lesson we learn out of what life teaches us. If we fail to learn the lessons greatly, life will teach us a great lesson.” Today, these words have sharpened my views and perspectives about life.   Lessons from Edo State Gubernatorial Election  I am a firm believer that the Edo election may prove well to be a turning point in the management of elections in Nigeria. Against the foregoing backdrop, I stand and dare to say that it is not an exaggeration that several lessons have been learnt (indelible and worthy lessons) from the gubernatorial election.2 It was in every sense, a rude awakening for both the actors in the drama and the community of observers who witnessed and monitored the election.  These lessons are made mentioned below:  Democracy is Moving to its Permanent Site  Democracy has been understood to be a form of government where the people choose their leaders and are allowed to voice their opinions on issues. I’m sure you will agree with me that it’s quite a beautiful concept. I have no dispute that the recently conducted Edo State Election has given us indicia into the times that democracy is getting better in the Nigerian polity. The number of people who really participated in the Edo State election is no doubt big indicia that the people are now getting conscious of their rights and civic duties under a democratic system as Nigeria practices.   No doubt, with the way things have turned out in this Edo Election, I am very sure that other states will have the same motive and desire to churn out massive people to participate in their respective electoral processes. However, for this stride to keep being as it is and getting better, the security of voters must be guaranteed by the government. Else, nobody will be willing to go vote when he is not sure of returning home.  No Political Landlords or Godfathers  The truth is that government belongs to the people and not some persons. I strongly believe any ideology about the political philosophy of any Godfather is a disgraceful concept and very unprogressive. This is because it promotes the will of the few rather than the will of the people. Also, it places the people second, instead of first. I believe it must be condemned out-rightly because it cannot make democracy flourish. Other states where the belief of Godfather is thriving, must learn from the great people of Edo who have set the pace and led the nation in this stride. In any democratic society, I believe there should be no political landlords, only the political will of the electorates. In addition to this, the governor or leader should be accountable to the people only, not to a Godfather that is an antithesis of this.   We Vote Individuals Not Political Parties  No doubt, a political party may have a strong influence in leadership and governance in an election, especially in our country. But the reality is that a leader with his strong will and tenacity determines the progress of the people. However, from the Edo State gubernatorial election held, it was glaring that it is the individual and not the political party that matters.3 Consequently, political parties must henceforth learn to present credible candidates in order to win the people’s votes.   It is Possible to Conduct Free and Fair Election  In spite of what I call the “stomach infrastructure” phenomenon, what the Edo State election taught us is that we can conduct free and fair elections in Nigeria if only we play by the rules. It is no longer news that violence related events such as ballot box snatching and the use of fire arms are usually sponsored by politicians who want to win at all cost. There are some politicians who do not have a first job to which they can return, this explains the desperation to win elections. Even if it means eliminating their opponents and positioning themselves strongly to have access to power and influence.  I admonish every eligible voter to take responsibility and refuse to be recruited by politicians to cause mayhem during elections. I believe vigilance should be the watchword to tackle diversion of voting materials, ballot box snatching or any attempt to bribe electoral officials. Vote buying and selling is anti-democracy as it gives false results of the electoral processes. You and I can only wish for a better Nigeria where vote buying and selling is completely eradicated.   The will of the Edo State people prevailed at the gubernatorial election last Saturday. However, this is an important characteristic for future elections in Nigeria as we look forward to conducting more in our nation.  The Big Picture  I celebrate the resilience and courage exhibited by the people of Edo state in resisting the antics of the enemies of democracy, who as beguilers and patrons of lions and tigers attempted to take over the political space of Edo state. This victory as won by the people is historic and serves as a strong, viable and unambiguous lesson to leaders. Also, I salute the Edo people for helping to reset the political culture of our nation by casting their votes, protecting their votes, ensuring that their votes counted and following their votes “bumper-to-bumper” even to the final point of declaration.  What is Next?  I believe the time has come for His Excellency to display love, affection and to unite all Edo people at home and abroad. Also, this is an auspicious moment for him to rise above the fray, eschew politics of bitterness and act as a statesman. Now is the time to consolidate his achievements because

Blog, Essays, Monishots

How the South-East should respond to Amotekun.

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“It is the opinion of many great authorities that every nation or people build its future on its past, that is, a past that has been properly studied and understood, and whose seminal experience has been extracted and redeployed for further use”. ~ Prof. Adiele Afigbo Ever since Mohammed Yusuf was extra-judicially murdered by the police in 2007- a costly insurgency that has so far claimed over fifty thousand lives and displaced about three million continues to ravage the nation. The hydra-headed problem turned into a conflagration which continues to oxygenate the activities of bandits in the North-West and killer herdsmen across the nation. The inability of the national defence and security apparatus to contain the insurgents has seen an otherwise localised conflict permeate the other regions in different guises. In the South West kidnapping became so rampant that even the high and mighty were not spared. Chief Olu Falae is lucky to be alive while Pa Fasoranti’s daughter -may her soul rest in peace- wasn’t so lucky. What’s more, President Buhari’s lopsided appointments in the security architecture and his reluctance to replace the service chiefs in the face of perennial insecurity culminated in the birth of Operation Amotekun. Well, so the Yoruba leaders say. I am not sold on that narrative. I believe that Operation Amotekun is actually more about politics than security. Why do I think so? Well, part of the reason should be obvious to the discerning observer. With the exception of some Nordic countries and a few others, even the most liberal democracies have its security framework usually designed with the principal consideration of protecting the ruling elite let alone Nigeria where ours was largely shaped by long years of military dictatorship. Precisely, the established operational paradigm in the country can rightly be described as regime security rather than national security. This is better exemplified in the fact that it is normal to have the number of security operatives attached to the office of a local government chairman supersede what is left to guard the local government area itself. Tinubu himself is very much aware of this. As the political godfather of the South West, his measured statement calling for dialogue with the federal government couldn’t have been better crafted given his rumoured ambition to succeed Buhari. Who wants to stir the applecart? And did his caution prevail? Certainly, the northern dominated federal government is aware of existing security outfits like Hisbah, JTF and the rest. So it makes little sense to boisterously oppose a similar initiative by the politically aligned South West. Moreover, any other amorphous security organisation out there that exceeds set boundaries as the so-called legal framework will definitely outline can always be tamed. Cut to size and reduced to omonile like Obasanjo did to the Oodua Peoples Congress OPC. So, as the Federal Government led pally with South-West Governors on the contentious issues concluded with a mutual agreement public attention will understandably switch to other regions particularly the South-East. Leaders of the region will be inundated with more calls to reproduce something identical. Already we ‘ve had some chest-thumping from usual vocal quarters. While Ohaneze Youth Council called on the conspicuously silent South-East Governors to resuscitate the defunct Bakassi boys, IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu promised to relaunch the disbanded Biafran Security Service with the aim of supporting Amotekun with one million men. However, our leaders need not succumb to these chaotic and discordant demands. There are factors to be taken into account before any coordinated response if at all there will be one as different geopolitical regions in the Nigerian enclave has its peculiarities. This is even more so with the South East. For one, baring Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti state, the remaining South West Governors will face reelection sooner or later with Akerodolu of Ondo state looking to renew his mandate later this year. The region’s electorate often described as the most politically sophisticated couldn’t care less about the fact that bulk of the governors are members of the ruling APC. Given the opportunity, the Oyo state experience may be replicated in states where the governor’s report card is subpar. Now given that the security of lives and property is always a paramount factor in electioneering campaign and if your people have been lamenting the poor security situation, what better promise than an indigenous outfit to secure the region? Moreso, when it will likely be opposed -as we have seen- by perceived traducers or invaders like Miyetti Allah as Odumakin and Femi Fani Kayode, would have them believe. We can now see the reason behind the collective insistence and perhaps desperation of the governors to fly the spotted cat. Perception is key. In reality, the converse is the case in the South-East. Only Hope Uzodimma will seek re-election. The rest are doing a second term. Moreover, the region has fared best in terms of security over the last two years. According to the statistics released by Nigeria Security Tracker (NST), it had the least percentage (1%) of reported cases of kidnapping between Jan-Sept 2019. Compare that to (43%) in the North West and you can see who really needs to emulate Amotekun. The truth is that silently the South-East governors though often perceived as inept by a majority of her people have performed creditably in the area of security. Gone are the days when the region was notorious for kidnapping. In Anambra state, for instance, Governor Obiano encouraged community policing from day one. Each town union is well funded to maintain a vigilante group who collaborate with the police. The governor also regularly equips the state police command with vehicles, communication and security gadgets including drones. This laudable initiative has earned the state several accolades as the safest in the country and is currently being xeroxed in Abia and Ebonyi states. So Igbo leaders need to be circumspect and proactive here. Ours is a region blessed with abundant natural resources like oil, coal, zinc, limestone, salt and much more which remain largely

Blog, Essays

What Obasanjo And Yar’Adua Told Me ~ Soludo

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A central issue in the quest for Nigeria’s greatness is leadership selection. Some 2,400 years ago, the great philosopher, Plato, argued that “As a just and healthy person is governed by knowledge and reason, a just society must be under the control of society’s most cultivated and best-informed minds, its ‘lovers of wisdom’…” I have chosen to share the thoughts of our two presidents to encourage a debate on the matter, especially given the pervasive indifference or downright loathsomeness to matters of politics and governance by the so-called ‘lovers of wisdom’. I served Nigeria under two presidents. This piece is not part of ‘the book’ on presidential governance. The date was Friday, March 17, 2006. At the morning prayer session with President Olusegun Obasanjo at the ‘red carpet’ in the villa, I raised a special prayer point and asked the congregation to pray for the new governor of my state Anambra, Peter Obi (who was on his way from Abuja to Awka to be sworn in same day), as well as for Anambra State so that Obi’s regime may mark an end to the brigandage and misrule in the state. We were all upstanding. The president cut in, and pointing in my direction remarked: “We shall pray as you have requested but the problem with you people from Anambra is that those of you who have something to offer shy away from politics and hooligans have taken over your state”. To the best of my recollection, that was the only prayer point during the four years of daily devotion that received a commentary.  ‘Baba’, as we fondly call him was basically telling us to ‘get involved or stop complaining’.  Periodically, the three of us from Anambra who were regular members of the prayer group (Oby Ezekwesili, Rev.William Okoye and I) had cause to brainstorm on the challenges and limitations of participation in politics especially by those of us who were ‘technocrats’. While we were obsessed with ‘good governance’, we had little interest in the process of acquiring power. After leaving office as governor of the central bank, I was in London when twice in June 2009 I received calls from Alhaji Mangal to the effect that President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua wanted to see me anytime I was in Nigeria. I returned with my family late July and on Sunday, July 26, I received a call that the president wanted to see me by 9:30pm. After a few banter, he asked what I was doing abroad. As I explained the three offers I was considering, he was shaking his head. “Well”, he started, “it is not because you are here, but I have said this several times to you. Given your age, skills, and your accomplishments for our economy and financial system, it would be a waste for you not to continue to be involved in Nigeria’s public service… For example, there is going to be an election in your state early next year and I want to strongly urge you to show interest… You know that your state has been unfortunate with leadership, and our party has been in crisis there…” At that point, my heartbeat was racing. Before I left office, many people from Anambra had suggested that I should run for governor but it did not make any sense to me and my family. As I began my response, Yar’Adua cut in and suggested that I did not need to respond immediately but instead that I should go home and ‘consult’ with some of the political leaders in the state. He then raised his two thumbs and assured that “if you accept to do this, I will come out fully to make sure that you get there”. If he had allowed me to respond immediately, the answer would have been an unambiguous ‘NO’.  I thanked him and left. On getting home, my wife was curious. I summarized what the president said, and she asked: ‘so what was your response?’ I told her the president would not let me respond but asked that I go and ‘consult’. “Then go back tomorrow and tell him that you have finished consulting and that the answer is No”, she ruled. I pleaded with her that we should at least give some time, out of respect, before reporting our decision. I confided in a few people and sought their advice. Within a week, the ‘rumours’ were everywhere. In the meantime, Yar’Adua also told a few people of his plans for Anambra and how he wanted to ‘use Soludo to make Anambra a model state’. He specifically requested Chief Tony Anenih to help him make it happen. My wife and I came under inestimable pressure — ‘to go and serve our people’. Some even said it was a ‘divine call to serve’, etc. My wife loathes politics and can’t stand it. On August 12, 2009, I gave Yar’Adua the ‘preliminary report’ on my consultations. To enable me take a decision, I presented the challenges and threats to his proposal to which he laid out solutions. I told him that after three offices at the Federal Government (as chief economic adviser, de facto Minister of National Planning; and governor of the central bank) I believed I had had my day on duty as far as government was concerned and wanted to return to the international community, academia and private sector. The only reason another public office would make sense to me in the circumstance was if I believed I could really make a fundamental difference. If I would contest, my vision was to transform Anambra’s economy such that after eight years, it would no longer need federation account allocation for recurrent expenditures but would devote 100% of it to capital budget. Consequently, I requested eight things the Federal Government would do to enable me quickly transform the state into an international city, including: an airport; modern seaport for Onitsha and dredging of River Niger to enable medium-sized ship to come to Onitsha; dualisation of

Blog, Essays

Why Igbos need to look beyond Buhari.

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We did not support Abubakar because he was a member of the PDP – we endorsed him because he wanted to restructure the country. We have no regrets not supporting Buhari. We are not making any demands from him. A leopard cannot change its spots except there is a miracle. What he cannot do during his first term, you cannot expect him to do that in the second term. His actions, statements, and body language show that he does not mean well for Ndigbo. So, we are not expecting anything from him~ Ohanaeze Ndigbo With the above excerpt from an interview with the PUNCH Newspapers. National Publicity Secretary of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Prince Uche Achi-Okpaga affirmed the position of the group that it does not regret supporting Atiku who lost to incumbent President Buhari in the last presidential election. As an Igbo man gifted with intellect and the ability to write I will never be deterred from critically interrogating these kinds of statements from the apex Igbo socio-cultural group. Having spent over 40 years of my life living in Nigeria I am conscious of the Igbo struggle but I am equally aware that the South East region is not lagging in any UN developmental index in comparison to the other regions. Much of this progress in development is attributable to self-help by a group naturally endowed with the gift of entrepreneurship. However, just like any other Igbo person, I am confounded by the seeming political decline that has pervaded my region lately. There is an age long position held by many that the dearth of visionary leadership among the Igbo elite as typified by Ohaneze’s statement above is responsible for the current quandary. But then leaders are part of the people, they did not just drop from Mars, so followership is also part and parcel of the problem. Take for example the unfortunate events that transpired in Vice President Osinbajo’s polling unit in VGC. The gentle pastor — who was once the toast of our people during Buhari’s long absence — was said to have been jeered by a small crowd comprising mainly of Igbo residents as he arrived to cast his vote. Some even popped champagne while passing snide remarks that the Vice President shouldn’t have bothered coming to perform his civic duty since Atiku’s victory was already assured. It is not that we do not have the right to a choice. No, far from it. Neither is it that we do not have the prerogative of casting block votes for our choice. The problem is that fatal flaw which the legendary Chinua Achebe described in his book “There Was A Country” as “the dangers of hubris, overweening pride, and thoughtlessness, which invite envy and hatred or even worse, that can obsess the mind with material success and dispose it to all kinds of crude showiness”.  We can agree that Nigerians have different SI units for measuring societal ills. Depending on the tribe, religion or party what may be deplorable to Emeka could be acceptable to Ayo and perhaps even commendable to Shehu and vice versa. But surely there cannot be a worse evocation of the Achebe’s lamentation as depicted by the few Igbo delinquents at that VGC polling unit. The Vice President deserves our respect even if we dislike him, his principal or his party. Undoubtedly a combination of factors such as ethnicity and elite mentality determined the outcome of the election in the VGC and indeed Eti Osa Local Government Area as a whole. However, that conspicuously offensive display by those charlatans succeeded in giving an ethnic colouration to the predicted defeat of the APC in a neighbourhood that is perhaps more cosmopolitan than any other part of Lagos. My friend, a wealthy businessman who lives in the area was shaking his head in exasperation as he narrated this. Considering the usual cries of victimization from many Igbos in Lagos he wondered how supposedly wise folks from the east could have been oblivious of the high tech security surveillance around the nation’s number two citizen at any given time. The Lagos State Internal Revenue Service could be sending demand letters to their various addresses the following week. O yes, it may sound far-fetched but in Nigeria where tribal sentiments run so deep, it is not impossible. On various online platforms, on the MSM and even on the ground, it is not uncommon to see South Easterners taking panadol for other people’s headache and displaying what I call ‘political bipolarism’. The same people who swore to vote for Atiku even if he was caught with his hand in the cookie jar cried more than Kano voters that Ganduje is a thief who deserves to be in jail. The ‘No man’s land’ where Femi Gbajabiamila hails from is now Yoruba land because the APC zoned the position of HOR Speaker to the South West. These are the kind of followers we are, and we will eventually emerge to be the leaders of tomorrow. Now let me come back to leadership. In a previous article, I had stated that the choice of Peter Obi as Atiku’s running mate should serve the more important task of stimulating the process of piloting Igbos back to their rightful place in national politics. And despite their defeat, notable Igbos across parties have rightly called on the ruling party to zone one major NASS leadership position to the South East. It will be unthinkable that for the first time there will be no Igbo person in Nigeria’s first 6. For one, the Igbos are a majority tribe who are resident in every nook and cranny of the country. We have contributed as much as any other in the development of the country. And then politically speaking more Igbos voted for Buhari this time than in 2015, as a matter of fact, the region more than doubled their previous vote tally for the president whereas they gave Atiku less than half of what Jonathan got. Honestly,

Blog, Essays, Monishots

A requiem for the remnants of the old brigade.

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A prince or general who knows exactly how to organise his war according to his object and means, who does neither too little nor too much, gives by that the greatest proof of his genius. But the effects of this talent are exhibited not so much by the invention of new modes of action, which might strike the eye immediately, as in the successful final result of the whole. It is the exact fulfilment of silent suppositions, it is the noiseless harmony of the whole action which we should admire, and which only makes itself known in the total result.~ Carl von Clausewitz If we are to go with the saying that “politics is war by other means” then it would be fair to say that the Prussian General who theorised the above quote in his book On War III could have had a vision of President Muhammadu Buhari. The 19th-century military theorist renowned for his intellectual texts on the political and psychological aspects of war succinctly captured Buhari’s approach since he took charge. This strategy could ultimately determine the result of the war of attrition between him and the retired generals as we approach the 2019 presidential elections. A keen observer of Nigerian politics will agree that our politics is not yet organic, especially at the national level. Dating back to the second republic the leadership choices available to the hoi polloi have often been decided by political power blocs controlled by the military class. They determine most of the elected and appointed political office holders that gather in Abuja to superintend over the affairs of the nation. In their thinking and should I say justification, they have this mephistophelean dogma that having fought and shed blood for the country they have earned the epaulettes to maintain a perpetual stranglehold on our collective patrimony. They want to dictate who gets what, when and how much. Former presidents Obasanjo and Babangida have publicly echoed this severally. And to achieve this they had long cornered a huge chunk of the nation’s resources for themselves and their cronies especially in the sleazy and opaque oil sector of our mono-product economy. When TY Danjuma arrogantly informed an impoverished nation of his dilemma on how to spend the $500 million profit raked in from the sale of one oil block, I wondered if Bill Gates, then the world’s richest man had any single business entity he could sell at such an incredulous markup. Alongside Danjuma and the prominent ex-heads of state, there are others like General Aliyu Gusau, the unassuming but dangerous veteran of military intelligence who was indicted for corruption by the Rafindadi led NSO in 1985 before he was let off the hook after Buhari’s government was toppled. These men are stupendously rich, powerful and ruthless. They have a concentric modus operandi and there is almost always a fallback option. There is hardly a worthy boardroom in the corporate sector without their bagmen and they ensure that whoever sits on the throne will often do their bidding. They are responsible for many great and ignoble deeds. Look around you and almost every major infrastructure built across the country is traceable to them. From the airports to the refineries, the power stations, Abuja and the third mainland bridge in Lagos. They have killed friends, soldiers and civilians, truncated our democratic progress many times and looted the nation blind. A friend succinctly described them as the “Godless men who do not fear any God”, and together they form the nucleus of the ‘Nigerian Establishment’. However, Buhari who is also a member of the so-called ‘class of 66’ and equally a former Head Of State had been persistently knocking on the door of Aso Rock since 2003. Not as an outsider so to say but as an insider with a somewhat different ideology. He is not known for the wealth and affluence of the rest, and this made him a darling of the poor masses especially in the northern region that is riddled with ubiquitous poverty. He was rebuffed and his efforts thwarted thrice by this Obasanjo until he was forced to make some compromise in an effervescent alliance with Bola Tinubu. Then aided by former President Jonathan’s naivety, the North’s determination to take back power and the sheer momentum of the APC coalition the generals were lobbied into lending support, albeit reluctantly for their colleague to realise his long-standing ambition. Today, after almost four years in power Buhari is back in the trenches in a portentous battle to retain power against the wishes of the same mates who supported him in 2015. At face value, the outcome of the clash will appear to be a no-brainer. President Buhari will receive the Tyson treatment, knocked out before the end of round one by the group of disgruntled generals led by the indefatigable rabble-rouser himself former President Obasanjo. All they need do is to approve and a crisis that will bring Buhari to his knees will erupt. And make no mistake about it these men have the resources to destabilise Africa let alone Nigeria. However, this kind of battle is rarely fought in a linear manner. There are other asymmetries to be considered and of particular interest would be the loyalty of the security forces who wield enormous powers during elections. The partisan forces are also in the reckoning. They form a large section of the foot soldiers that disseminate truths, half-truths and fallacies to influence the masses who will troop to the polls. And lastly the leverage of western powers. Together this combination often determines the outcome of an election in my country. Nevertheless, these generals are not particularly concerned about national development, I mean they have contributed their bit and are mostly octogenarians now. They are more concerned about their vested interest and this perhaps explains why they threw their weight behind Atiku Abubakar who best represents an agglomeration of those interests. Having had direct and indirect dealings in the business of ripping off

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