biafra

Blog, On This Day

Nigerian government forces attacked the breakaway Republic of Biafra

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On this day 1967: Nigerian government forces launched an attack on the breakaway Republic of Biafra 5 weeks after its secession to trigger a 30-month armed conflict during which an estimated 3 million people perished in what is now known as the Nigerian civil war. Post-independence Nigeria remained divided by political, economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions. It came to a head with the 1964 election being marred with fraud. Violence erupted in the western and northern parts of the country forcing many to flee. On 15 January 1966, Majors Ifeajuna and Nzeogwu led others in a coup and killed leading public figures including Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa and the Premier of the northern region, Ahmadu Bello. However, President, Nnamdi Azikiwe survived as he was on vacation in the West Indies. But the coup was crushed by the leader of the military General Aguiyi Ironsi. And by 16 January 1966 most of the plotters except Ifeajuna who fled the country surrendered. Ironsi, however, failed to try them expeditiously according to military tradition. Ironsi’s delay further deepened the widespread belief in the north that the coup was carried out by Igbos to supplant the Northern-dominated power structure with him. On July 29 1966, northern soldiers struck in a counter-coup and killed Ironsi. Yakubu Gowon emerged the head of state but then came the pogrom in which thousands of Igbos were massacred in the north which still held resentment over the killing of their leaders. Gowon promised to secure Igbo lives but failed repeatedly as Igbos were continually killed in numbers. Consequently, on May 30, 1967, Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu and other non-Igbo representatives of the Eastern region established the Republic of Biafra. Many diplomatic efforts failed to reunite the country, and on & July 1967 Nigeria launched an offensive against Biafra.

Blog, Essays, Opinion Articles, Writers

The Igbo — Yoruba Mistrust by Chukwuemeka Oluka

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There is no way one can write on the Igbo — Yoruba mistrust without opening some healed wounds. Sadly, this is what the essay will do. In the end, however, the writer provides enough collagen to help the wounds heal and then help to avoid the sustenance of more wounds. Highlighted in this essay is the role of principal actors (between the Igbo and Yoruba) in the civil war, and how previous working agreements and the attempts to have a ‘handshake’ between the two tribes collapsed. The essay also explores how ethnicity was used in the 2023 general elections in Lagos to widen the growing mistrust between the Igbo and Yoruba. There is always a complicated blame game between the Igbo and Yoruba, and one that is as old as pre-independence. History witnessed the intrigues and drama. This blame game has inadvertently led to a level of mistrust that has continued to alienate the Igbo and Yoruba, making the prospect of any beautiful political marriage a mirage. The fallout of Biafra — Nigeria civil war meant that the Igbos are always in a hurry to describe their southern brothers, the Yoruba as betrayers. There is the allegation that the Yoruba failed to secede from Nigeria as purportedly agreed during a meeting between Obafemi Awolowo and Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. These two arguably were the symbolism of the Yoruba tribe and the Igbo tribe. That allegation held that instead, Awolowo joined forces with General Yakubu Gowon the then Head of state to fight Biafra, as he (Awolowo) was the brain behind the use of starvation as a weapon to destroy Ndigbo during the war that occurred from 1967 to 1970. This is one side of the coin. Another side of the coin maintained that during the meeting between Awolowo and Ojukwu, what the premier of the Western region said was that “if the Igbo were ‘driven’ out of Nigeria, the Yoruba would take it seriously and reassess their own position.” With this, the Yoruba would absolve themselves of any accusation of betrayal. Yet, what is certain was that Awolowo came to Enugu, after which Ojukwu declared Biafra, which later led to the civil war. The Yoruba would also turn around and accuse the Igbo of first betraying them, laying pointers to the 1965 elections of the first republic. In that election, the Yoruba alleged that the West and the East had agreed to boycott the election. While the Yoruba kept to their side of the bargain, the Igbo went ahead to vote. However, some political observers say that the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) which were in power at the time in the East faced a dilemma, which was either to boycott the election — (that saw the Federal Government-powered Nigerian National Democratic Party NNDP of Akintola which was opposed to the then mainstream Action Group AG) — and lose power or to play along and stay in power. The observers said the Igbo looked at political reality and then chose to hold on to power. This, according to the observers should cut the Igbo some form of slack in the blame game. In another twist of blame, the Yoruba have accused the Igbo of never trusting them. They say the South-East always preferred to form an alliance with the North, even when the Yoruba extended their hands. The Yoruba would site an instance where a joint government between Zik’s NCNC and Awolowo’s AG, offered by Awolowo was jettisoned by Zik. In that arrangement, Awolowo conceded for Zik to be the Prime Minister while he would become the finance minister. Recall also that the Sardauna (Sir Ahmadu Bello) had also offered an alliance to Zik. This deal eventually saw (Tafawa) Balewa become the Prime Minister while Zik became the President. In the defence of Zik’s decision, it is opined that he had more of a Nationalist inclination and disposition in his decision, in that he felt that an alliance with Awolowo would be judged as a Southern alliance. Another defence was that Zik sensed some form of double play by the Yoruba because at the time Awolowo, who was the Premier of the Western Region offered the alliance to Zik, a principal actor in the West (AG) Ayo Rosiji, was also patronizing sir Ahmadu Bello in the North (NPC). Some would wonder, why would an alliance even work when in the 1951 Western House of Assembly election, Zik aspired to be the premier but some Yoruba allies in the NCNC dramatically cross-carpeted and teamed up with Awolowo’s AG leading to him becoming the Premier. These interplays of accusations and allegations meant that the two tribes would continue to demonize each other and the consequences of the hate-filled exchanges continue to haunt the two tribes. Just in the recently concluded 2023 general elections witnessed in Lagos, we all saw how ethnicity was deployed as a weapon to execute the elections. Hurtful and hateful words became catchphrases used by miscreants on the streets of Lagos and the ‘vawulence’ streets of Twitter. The zenith of it all was during the 2023 governorship election. Lagos became the centre of attention for its attempts at vilifying Ndigbo for holding contrary political positions. Social miscreants known as ‘Area Boys’ allegedly instigated by certain political heavyweights, attacked Igbo-dominated areas of Lagos. It was alleged that their grouse against the Igbo was their inability to vote for the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Recall that Tinubu, the godfather of Lagos politics lost at ‘home’ to Mr Peter Obi the candidate of the Labour Party (LP) during the February 25th, 2023 Presidential elections. It was unheard of because many didn’t imagine that such a feat could be reached by Obi. After Tinubu lost to Obi in Lagos, barely five days before the gubernatorial election, nine governorship candidates stepped down and declared support for the incumbent Governor, Babajide Sanwo-Olu of the APC. Political analysts say the Labour Party may have instilled some level of fear into the ruling APC. Somehow, Mr

On This Day

On This Day: The Establishment of the Republic of Biafra

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Biafra ceased to exist as an independent state in January 1970 after the Biafran forces were finally defeated in a series of engagements between late December 1969 and early January 1970. Ojukwu, the Biafran leader fled to Côte d’Ivoire, and the other Biafran officers surrendered to the federal government on January 15, 1970.

Blog, Monishots

Igbos Need Intellectual Leadership Not Secession.

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Intellectual leadership will recognize the dearth of Igbo participation in the mainstream media. A deficiency that left a vacuum now filled by mushroom blogs and other fallacy manufacturing platforms that contribute little in shaping the news agenda. We need leaders who will partner with the millions of Igbos abroad to bridge the demographic distortion bedeviling the region and channel our naturally endowed entrepreneurial skills homewards.

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“Biafra: The Horrors of War, The story of a Child Soldier” by Okey Anueyiagu,

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“Biafra: The Horrors of War, The story of a Child Soldier” by Okey Anueyiagu, takes you inside one of the world’s almost forgotten wars with devastatingly sordid and haunting imagery. The author conjures a frightening reality that very few people, especially children have ever encountered. With candid details, the author describes in a uniquely dramatic and movie-like style, the perilous mental and physical struggles that he and his people suffered. In his grappling with the pains and horrors of war, he exposes the transformative powers of perseverance, showing how Biafrans turned their pains and sufferings into strengths in endurance. The author, Dr. Okey, using this war, brings to the fore, the fact that despite the odds against the Biafrans; the hunger, the death, and that despite the silence of the world in the perpetration of the holocaust, the pogrom and the genocide, the people of Biafra survived by forging an unbelievable bond that allowed them to overcome the horrific conditions of the war. This book is a compelling classic. A perfectly recalled bitter and wicked account of a people’s journey through darkness and a country gone berserk. Click here to buy this book.

Blog, Essays, Monishots

Can Peter Obi begin the healing of Igbos?

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Time heals all wounds unless you pick at them~ Shaun Alexander. The American athlete who stated the above must have spoken from practical experience. Athletes are often prone to injuries, however, Shaun is encouraged that any injury will heal over time on the condition that it is not touched after the necessary treatment is administered. In medicine, injuries that refuse to heal are termed chronic and may cause severe trauma that could physically and emotionally drain a patient to permanent deformity. The name Biafra evokes deep emotions. It actuates a reflection on what many refer to as the Nigerian civil war but in the real sense represents the first black-on-black genocide in postcolonial Africa with Igbos at the receiving end. Attempts to erase or deprecate this truth by the west whose interests were served proved futile as there is abundant literature to buttress it. Ndi Igbo, however, ignored Gowon’s rhetorical 3Rs (Rehabilitation, Reconstruction and Reintegration) after the “No Victor No Vanquished” declaration and moved on. Meandering back to their abandoned outposts they made a tremendous economic recovery in record time and have contributed immensely to a nation left in piteous underdevelopment by decades of misrule. Igbos also made political progress. It took only 9 years to reintegrate back to the center with late Chief Alex Ekwueme as the Vice President alongside prominent Igbo sons like Chuba Okadigbo, Nwafor Orizu, and CC Onoh in the ruling NPN back then. The Great Zik of Africa who led the vibrant duo of Jim Nwobodo and Sam Mbakwe dominated the South East and equally had considerable influence with his NPP in Plateau, Rivers and Lagos states. However, the quest to ascend the throne remained elusive, not for lack of trying though for Azikiwe gave it a shot twice and Ekwueme came very close in 1999. Nevertheless, Igbos continued to be in the reckoning as a tripartite arrangement by the major tribes saw them holding on to the number 3 position all through Obasanjo’s 8-year tenure as the Fourth Republic commenced. It was even more so during the time of Jonathan as Igbos held juicy ministerial positions and reintegration back into the military was deemed to have been accomplished with the appointment of Ihejirika the first ever Igbo Chief of Army Staff in the post-war era. Then came Jonathan’s defeat. We had put our eggs in one basket which was crushed by the same Hausa/Yoruba alliance that gave us the stick during the civil war. Our people were shocked, our leaders in disarray, unsure of what to do or where to go. The Pharaoh who did not know ‘Joseph’ ascended the throne. Rather than spearheading the opposition Ekweremadu who was the highest elected Igbo official in the PDP joined Saraki in the APC Senate leadership. The South-East governors surrendered the party to Wike and our youths became willing tools for unscrupulous politicians. Deafening chants of secession escalated in the region with men of questionable character leading the politicization of Biafra. Indeed, the following two years saw Igbo land overwhelmed by unprecedented political entropy. Well, two weeks they say is a long time in politics. So here we are today with an Igbo son, an exemplary one at that on the ballot of the main opposition party to contest for the nation’s number two job. The restructuring carrot has been dangled once again and Nigeria is no longer a zoo. It is now ‘our country’ which deserves the leadership of Atiku and Obi to prosper. Regardless of your opinion about Peter, that he performed excellently in Anambra is not debatable. He is a consummate administrator whose personal philosophy, prudence, and ability to maximize available resources can never be diminished on the altar of politics. Little wonder the announcement has stirred and continues to stir excitement in the political landscape. A man, however, must have his faults and Peter is human. His approach to politics is commercial and he is deeply immersed in religious politics. His speeches are often dotted with “I did” rather than “We did” exposing a narcissist proclivity and lack of confidence in others. These attributes may have been beneficial on a local level but will likely be inimical in the larger picture of national politics which demands a secular and inclusive appeal. Be that as it may, his choice as Atiku’s running mate is a good one. The problem though is that they will have to navigate labyrinthine impediments to give the incumbent a good fight. For one, though no politician sets out to fail, Atiku’s decision is perceived as politically wrong by many in the sense that the South-West is completely out of the equation in his party. Given the palpable apathy towards the APC in the South-East, the region is already in Turaki’s kitty, so one would have expected a Yoruba running mate in order to make inroads into the second most populous region with a history of vote splitting among the leading parties. All the same, being a veteran in the game, the former Vice President may have an ace up his sleeve and his prerogative must be respected. Nonetheless, it remains to be seen how he will convince the Yorubas that the man who sensationally accused Fashola of ethnic discrimination is better than their son Yemi Osinbajo. Secondly, though Atiku is considered a worthy adversary by many he has rarely managed to scratch Buhari’s votes in the north in previous elections. In 2003 as the Vice President and in 2007 with him on the ballot, Buhari swept most of the core northern states with a wide margin. Conceivably, the task of gaining northern votes will be an arduous one given his alleged utterances against the region and even more so with a man regarded as a part of the unsuccessful connivance to usurp their ‘right’ in 2015. Finally, the base has to be consolidated. Peter has to get off his high horse and stoop to conquer. He must rise above the recent self-serving abjuration by the South-East leaders

Blog, Monishots

Opportunity knocks for Ndi Igbo.

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It is about six months to the general elections and conceivably politicking has taken the centre stage. We have already been treated to the ignoble dance of defections, a botched or staged NASS takeover -depending on your perspective- and now we are witnessing the second season of letter writing. No doubt our champion Obansajo will be green with envy as his writing prowess has been eclipsed by that of younger gladiators in a war of attrition that may well shape the political future of the nation. Leading the charge in a frenetic start to the week is Asiwaju Bola Tunubu. In a statement titled ‘They go Away Because We go the Right Way’ the former Lagos state governor and leader of the ruling APC alleged that Saraki and Tambuwal defected to the PDP because they were promised automatic tickets to pursue their political ambition, something he claimed was not possible in his party. In his response, the Senate President accused Tinubu of dishonesty saying that he is still aggrieved at being denied the Vice Presidential ticket in 2014 and that his support for President Buhari’s re-election is solely informed by own his presidential ambition. The debate over this bickering has since dominated the political and media space. Frankly, I don’t give a hoot and you shouldn’t too. Why should we care? It is neither about our betterment nor national interest, what’s more, the discerning political observer should know that both men have said nothing new. Both are ambitious, wealthy and power hungry. Their quest to occupy the seat in Aso Rock is already in the public domain. But it will be unrealistic to expect that Nigerians will disregard this one, we love drama and we are savouring this. More so considering that in the process of fulfilling their ambition politicians may bring progress and development to their people, we must interrogate these statements, albeit without taking sides. In a previous article I posited that the recent defections “may offer some hope for the political lightweights to have a shot at retaining their positions in 2019 but the gladiators are actually battling for relevance in readiness for a post-Buhari Nigeria in 2023”. This position has been buttressed by the events of yesterday. Anybody who still believes that President Buhari will be defeated next February needs to study our political history beginning with social studies. By 2023 power will naturally rotate to the South at least in the APC, and if the PDP is still afloat by then we should expect a similar arrangement assuming they are to seriously give the presidency a shot. Sadly, it is becoming clearer each day that my South East region is not even on the ringside for the political battle of 2023 because while the politicking and positioning were going on our politicians were battling with the chants of “Biafra or I die” from an electorate largely brainwashed by IPOB. Now four years is almost gone with the South-South better placed in the two leading parties to slug it out with other regions for political power. But it is never too late, politics can be dynamic and if we are to work with Saraki’s statement that Asiwaju believes the presidency should go to the South West and ultimately to him then we can expect that 2023 will be more keenly contested. This is because with the exception of Buhari the president of Nigeria rarely goes to those who covet it. Tinubu will meet stiff opposition within his region from potential candidates like Osinbajo and Fashola, he will also have to contend with the resistance from the likes of Saraki and Tambuwal. Likewise in the PDP, governor Wike will face strong dissent in achieving his rumoured desire to ascend Buhari’s throne come 2023. Therein lies the opportunity for Ndi Igbo to stake their cards. This is why we have to quit playing the victim. There is need to replace the brand of politics we played in the past three years with pragmatic and proactive politicking if we are to begin the difficult task of taking back our rightful position in national politics. Its time for Igbo leaders to rise to the occasion, they need to be counted both in the ruling party and in the opposition. Wike and Tinubu must not be allowed to dictate in both parties. They must be pushed all the way. Of course, some will argue that Igbos don’t need the presidency to make progress, that what we need is a restructured and equitable nation to excel. I agree. But I equally agree with the reasoning that it will be equitable for Igbos to produce a Nigerian president after all these years. After all, it is only the South East and North East that are yet to rule since the civil war. Moreover when last did you hear about restructuring? It is a sound whose volume is directly proportional to the distance from Aso rock. Igbos should urge Okorocha, Ngige, Onu, Ekweremadu, Obi, South East governors and other leaders to be more vocal in demanding political power for the sake of equity. Power is not given but taken, so nobody will deliver the presidency on a platter to Ndi Igbo. It will come through hard work, bridge building and strategic alliance. The opportunity beckons in 2023, we could shoot an eagle but to do that we have to aim for the sky.

Blog, Essays

The Igbo Nation: Leadership Vacuum or Leadership Usurpation by Kelechi Jeff Eme

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The populist route is laden with cheers and encomiums that men find difficult to resist. The voice of reason is momentarily disparaged but elastically conditioned. My first take is to shred the notion that Igbo land lacked leadership. This completely nullifies the narrative that the IPOB Leader, Prince Nnamdi Kanu only attempted to fill a vacuum deserted by eminent Igbo men and women. On the contrary, the Afara Ukwu Prince was prior to the mayhem in Abia State, a subset of the leadership that is conveniently declared vacuum today. The Igbo establishment adopted the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) as its route to national political relevance. It ensured that the revered Dim Emeka Ojukwu was politically humiliated in Igbo land in 2003. It, however, compensated him by ensuring the victory of APGA in his home state of Anambra. Even when the erudite Chuba Okadigbo of blessed memory broke rank and became the Vice Presidential candidate of the present Commander in Chief, the leadership was never pretentious on where to align Igbo interest. The Ohaneze Ndigbo was the first to endorse and order all Igbos to vote for former President Goodluck Jonathan. The entire Igbo land delivered over 97% votes to him in 2011. That was solid leadership and no vacuous spinning can obliterate that. Leadership is about order, direction, followership, and loyalty. The same Ohaneze Ndigbo directed the entire South East to vote for Jonathan in 2015 despite his neglect of Igbo land. The zone obeyed the order and delivered about 90% of its votes to Jonathan. The rest they say is history. My point is that we never had a leadership vacuum. I mentioned earlier that Prince Nnamdi Kanu was a subset of the leadership until recently. He was part of those that obeyed the order decreed by Ohaneze Ndigbo on who to vote for in 2015. He was unrelenting in his verbal annihilation of APC and never minced words in advocating for votes for Jonathan. This was in line with the position of Ohaneze leadership. My point is that Kanu did not occupy a leadership vacuum created by Igbo elders. He only attempted an uprising against the leadership that actually ensured he was released from detention and guaranteed his freedom. It was supposed to be a win-win scenario until he touched the tiger’s tail by decreeing no election in Anambra state. Those in the know will tell you that his violent utterances unsettled the Igbo leadership and prompted the issuance of several warnings to him. The meetings he held with the governors and the leadership of Ohaneze Ndigbo were all aimed at taming his apparent instigation of the youths to disobey constituted authorities. The big lesson here is that we must identify red lines and deal with such accordingly. The maturity of Abia State governor in handling the days of mayhem is quite commendable. He immediately reached out to the Hausa community, the leadership of recognized unions and traditional rulers to ensure that the situation never got out of control. He simply prevented an Armageddon. That is leadership. The synergy of Governors Ikpeazu, Obiano, Ugwuanyi, Tambuwal, Ganduje and El Rufail worked wonders in maintaining peace and stability during the crisis. This peace is even more needed now. There should be an immediate exchange of goodwill visits by the governors to reassure our citizens that there is happiness in living together. Last line: the same leadership that people are abusing and defecating upon is clearing the mess left by the Utopians.   Kelechi Jeff Eme https://www.facebook.com/kelechi.eme

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There is no future for Biafra – France

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Dreams of a Biafra Republic was dealt a massive blow as France which aligned with Biafra in the 1967 secession bid, has affirmed its support for a one indivisible Nigeria.  Speaking to The Guardian, the French Ambassador to Nigeria, Denys Gauerthat said his country would not support any group agitating for the disintegration of the nation. He said France was working with Nigeria and supporting it as a country. Gauer pointed out that Nigeria has evolved since his country threw its weight behind Biafra during the civil war. He said that France has been cooperating with Nigeria and will continue supporting the nation to surmount numerous problems especially on the fight against the insurgency.   The French envoy further stated that Biafra had no future and urged agitators to remain part of the country. He said “We are working with Nigeria and we are supporting it as the only country. This is absolutely clear and I don’t think there is any kind of future for Biafra. They are part of Nigeria and Nigeria has to remain as the only country”. “Apart from encouraging neighbouring African countries to cooperate with Nigeria we have also developed a strong bilateral relationship with the Nigerian Armed forces,” he said. Recall that Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Tukur Buratai, recently issued a stern warning to calling for the break-up of the country to “forget it.” However, in a swift response the Leader of the Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Uchenna Madu told The Guardian that the struggle for Biafra “is real and cannot be stopped by any man created by God” He stated that: “We in MASSOB do not believe what he said because that does not represent the position of France. France is a friend of Biafra and even during the Nigeria/Biafra war, they assisted us so much. “In this current agitation for Biafra, France has sympathy for us. We advise our people to disregard what he said. We think that the Nigerian media misinterpreted what the French envoy said.   Source:NAN

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#iStandWithBuhari rally holds in Awka.

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Thousands of youths converged in Awka the Anambra state capital to show their support for the President Muhammadu Buhari led administration. The rally which held at Ekwueme Square was organised by The rally which held at Ekwueme Square was organised by #iStandWithBuhari organisation.  There were initial apprehension and reluctance by many as there had been threats by the members of Indigenous People of Biafra, IPOB, and other pro-Biafra groups had earlier threatened to disrupt any rally in support of Buhari. Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) in particular had issued a statement through its spokesperson Comrade Uchenna Madu stating that “This rally will not hold anywhere in Biafra land. We have discovered that this is the reason why some Igbo politicians are driving their way into APC that has no interest for Ndigbo. “We shall never allow them to bring political disgrace to Igbo land. “What is the significance of the APC rally in Igbo land? Do Ndigbo have any love or likeness for Buhari and APC? Why must such disgraceful rally be planned to hold in Ojukwu’s home state? “Is the rally more important than the Federal Government’s abandoned second Niger Bridge, Enugu-Onitsha federal road, Enugu- Port Harcourt express way, Onitsha- Okigwe Federal road, etc? “MASSOB warns the Professor Osibanjo-led Federal Government to call off the APC proposed rally because we shall resist it. “Our advice is that such a rally should be held in Hausa- Fulani land, where Buhari’s kinsmen are living.” However, the rally was held successfully without hitches and coincidentally President Buhari himself arrived in the country in the early hours of the same day.

Blog, Essays, Monishots

Ndi Igbo it’s time to get our priorities right. Pt 1

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Another major issue that had long been identified by credible studies as a negative factor towards the economic and political development of Igbo land is demographic distortion. You will hardly come across any family in the South East which does not have a member or two earning their living elsewhere.

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